House of Assembly: Vol2 - MONDAY 21 MARCH 1988
Mr SPEAKER laid upon the Table:
- (1) Civil Protection Amendment Bill [B 61—88 (GA)]—(Standing Committee on Constitutional Development).
- (2) Excision of Released Areas Bill [B 62—88 (GA)]—(Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and Development Aid).
Mr P DE PONTES, as Chairman, presented the Seventh Report of the Standing Select Committee on Trade and Industry, dated 16 March 1988, as follows:
Bill to be read a second time.
Mr Chairman, I move:
It is a pleasure for me to submit to this House for its consideration the fourth Budget since the establishment of the Administration: House of Assembly. The establishment, building-up and development of an efficient own affairs administration is a time-consuming process. It was clear from the beginning that owing to various administrative as well as legal-technical problems the identification and further transfer of own affairs functions could not take place overnight.
Despite the good progress that has already been made in this connection during the past four years, there are still a number of functions the transport of which it was not possible to finalise. There are various reasons why this process cannot be implemented overhastily. Thorough investigations, which also had to evaluate the administrative and legal-technical implications, had to precede any possible relocations of function.
This process has already reached an advanced stage. Various further transfers ought to be disposed of soon and appropriate announcements will then be made in this regard.
It must be emphasized that one must be careful that the transfer of functions does not give rise to an increase in staff or in Government expenditure. In fact, attempts are being made in the transfer of functions to promote further rationalisation of services and, where possible, even a scaling down of services.
The Administration: House of Assembly is striving to submit the cost effectiveness of all its services to a thorough investigation. The Administration has already taken the necessary steps to undertake an urgent evaluation of all functions in all departments of the Administration.
The function evaluation programme is one of the activities which is aimed at increasing efficiency and productivity in the Public Service. The emphasis in these investigations is not so much on individual projects but to a far greater extent on a structured multi-dimensional investigation into each department in its entirety.
The purpose and function of the department are considered on the basis of established criteria and various options. In this respect investigations are being instituted into aspects such as:
the cost-effectiveness with which it is being performed;
the possibility of rendering the service at tariffs that will cover the cost of the service;
the personnel load involved; and the possible termination, curtailment or even privatisation of the function
— to mention only a few aspects.
In terms of the function evaluation programme launched under the guidance and with the help of the expertise of the Commission for Administration, all activities of departments are being subjected to detailed scrutiny.
These investigations not only hold the possibility of further rationalisation, but should ultimately make an important contribution towards preventing unnecessary Government expenditure, reducing staff and identifying further privatisation possibilities.
This year the financial autonomy of own affairs administrations will also take a major step forward in that the hon the Minister of Finance is to introduce enabling legislation in the course of the current session to give effect to formula financing. The finalisation of negotiations concerning section 84 (a) allocations and their embodiment in law represents an important mile-stone for own affairs administration.
Financing by way of formulae means that a statutory allocation must be paid over annually to each of the administrations. The allocation is calculated according to a formula based on the needs of the respective communities as well as the relative level of services rendered. In respect of the latter—the relative level of services rendered—a factor, the so-called A-value, is embodied in the formulae to make provision for the movement towards parity in respect of the standard of services rendered to the respective population groups.
Affording statutory recognition to the formulae means that the respective administrations may be assured of financial means which will enable them to provide a previously determined minimum standard of service in respect of specific own affairs. The absence of statutory formulae means that the own affairs administrations must negotiate with the Minister of Finance for the financing of all expenditure. This jeopardizes the financial independence of these administrations. When the statutory formulae are given statutory effect it means that amendments thereto cannot be effected arbitrarily or unilaterally. This ensures certainty and makes it possible to achieve better financial planning since the administrations are at least assured of financial means which will enable them to meet their basic minimum requirements. The statutory formulae moreover give expression to the principle that there must be a clear demarcation of decision-making between own affairs administrations and departments for general affairs.
The Minister of Finance indicated that as soon as the financial capabilities of the country permit, he would give favourable consideration to making available as an additional amount a percentage of the amount paid over per statutory allocation to the administrations. The financing formulae on which all the parties involved agreed, offered a logical and rational basis for further allocations.
The formulae take into account the needs in respect of communities as well as the striving for parity within the affordable means of the State. If in future it should be possible to transfer an additional amount of a few percentage points of the statutory amounts paid over as a fixed amount to the own administrations, this would not only further strengthen the financial independence of own affairs, but also contribute to better financial planning and more effective rendering of services.
The rendering of services by the departments of the Administration: House of Assembly is at a high level. This has once again been demonstrated in practical terms by the efficient way in which the respective departments rendered services during the recent flood disasters in Natal and the Orange Free State and are continuing to render valuable additional services.
We frequently forget that while the spectacular and sensational aspects of such a natural disaster fill the main reports in the media, departmental officers are working day and night to provide emergency relief for those afflicted. Departments of this administration have been and are constantly closely involved in the provision of emergency food supplies, temporary housing, maintenance of health and welfare services, agricultural assistance and educational facilities.
I should like to thank all officials for their unstinting services that they have rendered in these times and for the many sacrifices that they have made to help and assist members of the public who were in trouble.
An amount of R5 818,2 million is being requested for the 1988-89 financial year for the Administration: House of Assembly. This represents an increase of R19,8 million on the amount of R5 798,4 million which was agreed to in total for the 1987-88 financial year.
Before any comparisons are drawn between the present Budget and last year’s Budget, the following must be borne in mind: A non-recurring amount of R400 million was appropriated in the 1987-88 financial year to render assistance to farmers. The assistance to farmers has been continued by spreading the amount over a longer term, which will not have the same impact on this Budget. Consequently the printed Estimate shows a relative decrease of R224,9 million in respect of agriculture and water supply.
A considerable reduction of R152,4 million is also shown in respect of the improvement of conditions of service. This decrease is as a result of the fact that no provision is being made in the coming financial year for general salary adjustments.
Compared with the decreases to which I had just referred, the printed Estimate indicates increases which amount in total to R518,8 million.
I should now like to deal with the Estimate of Expenditure for the 1988-89 financial year in greater detail.
†Particulars of the estimated amount of R5 818,2 million are contained in the printed estimates tabled today. There are, however, a few aspects of the various Votes to which I wish to refer.
Chairman of the Ministers’ Council in the House of Assembly
During last year’s debate in this House on the main Budget, the necessity was realised for a separate Vote for the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council in the House of Assembly. The Ministers’ Council therefore resolved that there be such a Vote. Vote 1: “Chairman of the Ministers’ Council in the House of Assembly” has accordingly been created.
An amount of R1,349 million is requested for the financing of expenditure under this Vote. However, no additional funds are required since an amount of R895 000 was transferred from Vote 5: “Budgetary and Auxiliary Services” to this new Vote for expenditure on behalf of the Director-General and the Ministers’ Council secretariat.
Furthermore, an amount of R454 000 previously provided for on the estimates of the Department of National Education for the staff of the Ministry of National Education has been suspended and transferred to this administration and is now included in the new Vote 1: “Chairman of the Ministers’ Council in the House of Assembly”.
The request for R1,349 million accordingly represents the financial requirements of the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council in the House of Assembly and his staff, the Director-General and his staff and the Ministers’ Council secretariat.
Agriculture and Water Supply
An amount of R766,4 million is required for this Vote. Included in this is an amount of R491,7 million for financial assistance to farmers and farming enterprises.
Regarding Programme 6: “ Agricultural Financing”, there is a decrease of R243,5 million in comparison with the amount allocated for the 1987-88 financial year. As I have indicated, this decrease can be attributed to the fact that the amount of R400 million was appropriated as a once-off amount in 1987-88 with a view to granting financial assistance to farmers facing sequestration.
The appropriated amount of R400 million was, for a variety of reasons, not fully utilised. An amount of R370 million has accordingly been suspended in the current financial year. The remaining R370 million will be appropriated for agricultural financing in equal amounts of R185 million for the 1988-89 and 1989-90 financial years, respectively.
An amount of R185 million is therefore included in the printed estimates for 1988-89 for the continuation of the programme for the restructuring of agriculture. The balance of R185 million of the amount of R370 million will be used in the forthcoming financial year for financing part of the administration’s general expenditure. The R185 million required for the 1989-90 financial year will be provided by the Department of Finance so that the programme for the restructuring of agriculture can be continued.
Education and Culture
An amount of R3 750,6 million is requested for this Vote. Compared with the revised amount of R3 403,7 million for the 1987-88 financial year, this amount now required represents an increase of R346,9 million or 10,2%. This provision represents almost two thirds of the total Budget for the Administration: House of Assembly which emphasizes the importance of education. The amount of R3 750,6 million does not, however, represent the total financial requirements for the Department of Education and Culture, namely R4 377,4 million.
The details in respect of the appropriation of the amount of R4 377,4 million are contained in Annexure G to Vote 3: “Education and Culture”. The remaining amount of R626,8 million will be financed from provisions on the Votes of other departments. For example, the amounts in respect of capital works—R184 million, contributions to pension funds—R405 million, and in respect of contributions to the medical fund— R37 million, required for the Department of Education and Culture are provided for on the Votes of other departments.
In respect of Programme 2: “Ordinary School Education and Teacher Training", the programme structure has been amended. This programme now complies with the requirements of the system of budgeting by objectives. For this purpose a new Annexure A to Vote 3: “Education and Culture” has been included in the printed estimates. This annexure reflects the details of the total amount of R2 313,7 million allocated for the four provincial education departments.
I also wish to draw hon members’ attention to the amount of R23 million which is requested under Programme 7: “Cultural Affairs and Recreation”. Viewed against the estimates for 1987-88, this represents an increase of R4,8 million or 26%. This increase can be attributed mainly to the continuation costs of the improvement of conditions of service and to the full implementation of the financing formula for declared cultural institutions. This financing formula became operative during 1982, on condition that it be phased in over a period of three years. However, as a result of limited funds, the phasing-in was spread over a longer period. The difficult financial situation experienced by cultural institutions has compelled the Department of Education and Culture to take appropriate steps.
Local Government, Housing and Works
The requirement for this Vote amounts to R294,3 million, compared with the amount of R311,9 million in the revised estimates for the 1987-88 financial year. This represents a decrease of R17,6 million, or 5,9%.
This decrease can be attributed to the fact that the funds allocated for the restoration of the “Ou Raadsaal” in Pretoria in the 1987-88 financial year represent a non-recurring expenditure. Furthermore the reduction of R6,1 million in the net addition to capital in respect of the Development and Housing Fund is due to a larger inflow of capital payments and interest earnings during 1987-88 compared with the expected inflow during 1988-89.
Programme 2: Housing Aid, and Programme 3: Area Development have been consolidated into a new Programme 2: Development and Housing Aid. This consolidation became necessary as a result of the implementation of Chapter II of the Housing and Development Act, No 103 of 1985, in terms of which the Development and Housing Fund was established to replace the National Housing Fund and the Community Development Fund.
Programme 3 has been renamed “Local Government”. The creation of this programme is the direct result of the promulgation of the Local Councils Act (House of Assembly), which provides for the administration and financing of local areas.
Budgetary and Auxiliary Services
An amount of R21,7 million is required to conduct the overall budgetary and auxiliary services for the Administration: House of Assembly. A variety of services is rendered by this department to the Administration: House of Assembly. These services cover aspects such as manpower development, work efficiency, general personnel and financial administration.
Improvement of Conditions of Service
The amount of R45,555 million requested for this Vote represents a decrease of R152,445 million as compared with the 1987-88 financial year.
I have referred to the fact that no provision is being made for general salary increases. The amount of R45,555 million is, however, provided for the elimination of disparity in remuneration among the various population groups, as well as for the improvement of conditions of service of certain occupational groups.
Welfare
For the financial year 1988-89 a total amount of R855,9 million is requested for the Vote: Welfare. If compared with the revised amount of R773,8 million for the 1987-88 financial year, it represents an increase of R82,1 million, or 10,6%.
This increase is due to the fact that social pensions and allowances were increased as from 1 October 1987. This amounts to R63,1 million for a full financial year.
The amounts required for the promotion of welfare are intended mainly for the following services: Care of the aged: R560 million or 65,4% of the total amount to be voted for Welfare; care of the handicapped: R116,6 million or 13,6% of the total amount; and child welfare: R116,4 million or 13,5% of the total amount.
Health Services
The requirement for this Vote amounts to R82,2 million. Viewed against the revised estimates for the 1987-88 financial year, this is an increase of 25,4%.
This increase can be attributed to the transfer of certain subsidised and supported health care services from the Cape Provincial Administration to the Department of Health Services to which I referred during the debate on the Additional Appropriation Bill, as well as the continuation costs for the improvement of conditions of service in respect of this department.
It is estimated that an amount of R106,091 million will be generated as own revenue during the coming financial year. In addition a supplementary amount of R5 284, 602 million will be available in terms of section 84 of the Constitution, plus an amount of R45,555 million from the Vote: Improvement of Conditions of Service, for the financing of expenditure from the Revenue Account: House of Assembly.
The balance of R382 million which is necessary to defray the total expenditure of R5 818,2 million for the 1988-89 financial year is being covered from surplus funds from the Revenue Account: House of Assembly. These surplus funds comprised the amount of R370 million which was suspended during the present financial year on the Vote: Agriculture and Water Supply by the Treasury: House of Assembly and which I have already mentioned earlier in my speech and an amount of R12 million which is now been made available by the Ministers’ Council of the House of Assembly from surplus funds of previous financial years. The total revenue is consequently estimated at R5 818,248 million.
Supplementary Expenditure Proposal
With a view to the proper financing and administration of the State-owned Groot Constantia Estate, the Ministers' Council decided that the following supplementary proposal be submitted to this House.
The estimated debt position of the control board of the State-owned Groot Constantia Estate in respect of a Land Bank loan amounts at present to approximately R5,7 million. In addition loans for land purchases of R1,9 million and interest free loans to the amount of R4,7 million and R813 970 are also owing to the State by the control board.
The newly constituted control board under the chairmanship of Dr Dawid de Villiers has indicated that it is not possible to administer the estate effectively with the present burden of debt. The loans were incurred to effect capital improvements to enable the estate to comply with the demands made by the legislation on the Groot Constantia Estate.
To enable the control board to continue to administer this major asset of the State on a sound economic basis the Ministers’ Council has decided to alleviate the debt and interest burden on the estate by making available an amount of R5,7 million to redeem the Land Bank loan. Provision will be made for this amount in the supplementary budget. There are various other aspects affecting the financial position and administration of the estate which are at present receiving attention. This also includes the three loans to the amount of approximately R7,5 million that are owing to the State. The making available of the R5,7 million does not influence any decision that may be taken in regard to the possible privatisation of the estate. This can in due course be considered with the necessary responsibility, and taking into consideration the unusually important historical aspects involved in this estate. The provision of the R5,7 million seeks only to reduce the debt and interest burden of the estate and to place the administration on a sound financial footing.
Conclusion
This is the last occasion on which it will be my privilege to submit an appropriation bill of the Administration: House of Assembly to this House for consideration. I should like to avail myself of this opportunity to thank my colleagues and the Ministers’ Council, the departmental heads and the officials for their cordial co-operation which I at all times received from everyone in my capacity as Minister of the Budget and Welfare. As a result of the restrictive financial conditions during my period of office, departments were constantly under pressure and were constantly obliged to cut down on expenditure and to utilise funds only for essential services. This required a large measure of discipline from everyone. I should like to convey my thanks to all departments for the effective way in which, through sound financial administration, they overcame the restrictions brought about by the available funds and continued to render services of a high standard in all spheres.
The opportunity to have been involved in the own affairs administration of the Whites was for me personally an enriching experience. It brought home to me the importance of the protection of group rights as a condition for any meaningful political or constitutional development.
I want to congratulate my colleagues Badenhorst and Durr on their appointments to the Ministers’ Council. Both are well equipped for their new responsibilities. I confidently leave my responsibilities, specifically in respect of budgetary matters, in competent hands.
Tabling
Sir, I now lay upon the Table:
- (1) Estimate of Revenue and Estimate of Expenditure of the Administration: House of Assembly for the financial year ending 31 March 1989 [RP 6-88];
- (2) Memorandum on the Estimates, 1988-89, of the Administration: House of Assembly; and
- (3) Comparative figures of Revenue for 1987-88 and 1988-89.
Mr Chairman, we listened attentively to the hon the Minister of the Budget and Welfare and I gained the impression that the hon the Minister did his utmost to create the impression that this Budget had grown, and by R19 million at that. He did this in contrast to the Main Budget Speech of the hon the Minister of Finance in which it was indicated that the Administration: House of Assembly Vote was decreased by R94 million in comparison with last year’s Budget.
We shall of course have to study these figures to ascertain what the difference is between the figure given by the hon the Minister of the Budget and Welfare and the figure given by the hon the Minister of Finance. Even the R19 million increase in the Budget which the hon the Minister of the Budget and Welfare mentioned, was not expressed on a percentage basis because the percentage growth of this Budget was so small that I think the hon the Minister was ashamed to mention it.
The hon the Minister gave a thousand and one reasons for the growth in the Budget. He said it was a result of the greater efficiency of the Administration: House of Assembly. I think it is appropriate that one ask whether it is the Administration: House of Assembly, alone, that is able to be more efficient. What about the rest of the Government organisations in South Africa?
The fact of the matter is that in real terms this Budget has diminished tremendously. The Budget of the Administration: House of Assembly diminished tremendously in real terms. This is proof positive—it is there for all to see—that the political policy of the Government is beginning to have repercussions. The price is being paid here. This Vote is one of those that has shown the least growth and has possibly even declined. If we study it carefully, we shall establish exactly what the case is. If it has grown, however, its growth has been among the smallest of all the Votes. That is the price that must be paid for the Government’s reform policy which is now having an economic impact on the Administration: House of Assembly, which deals with White affairs, in particular. Those are the people who will have to pay the price for the Government’s reform policy. This Budget is substantial proof of those results and of those consequences that the Government’s constitutional policy has now entailed for the Whites.
That will suffice at this stage and I want to move that the debate be now adjourned so that we can study this Budget more closely. Mr Chairman, I therefore move:
Agreed to.
Mr Chairman, I move:
Today we have before us a Bill which is part of the Government’s continued programme of evolutionary reform in all spheres of life. Reform is not a non-recurring event, but in actual fact an ongoing process. The aim of reform is to create a fair system for everyone and to eliminate inequalities, where these exist. This applies to all spheres of life—political, economic and social.
This year’s legislative programme reflects the Government’s commitment to this reform in the various spheres of life. The Development of Black Communities Amendment Bill therefore forms part of the Government’s reform initiatives. The Bill deals mainly with two aspects, namely, in the first place, facilitating the acquisition of freehold by Black communities in their residential areas and, in the second place, giving greater participation and a say to Black communities in matters affecting them. The Bill therefore addresses socio-economic and political issues.
In the socio-economic sphere the aim is the development of communities, the promotion of private initiative and the meeting of human needs. In the political sphere the aim is to make it possible for Black communities to have a greater say in decision-making on matters affecting them.
In 1986 the principal Act was amended to extend freehold to Black communities too. The granting of freehold met the needs of these communities. It satisfied their need to be owners of land and not merely occupants or lessees. It promoted the development of communities.
Since 1986 large development projects have been launched to promote the spiritual and material welfare of communities and to reduce inequalities between communities. Private initiative was promoted in that people could buy their own property. An historic event took place on 5 November 1987, when full freehold of a site was registered for the first time at the Johannesburg Deeds Office in the name of a member of a Black population group.
Since the acceptance of freehold, township development and land use regulations have been promulgated in terms of the principal Act. These regulations created a procedure for township development in development areas by means of which land tenure would be available either in terms of the leasehold scheme or in terms of the freehold system. In practice, however, the acquisition of freehold was a complicated and lengthy process. The Bill before us seeks to address this problem and expedite the procedures. The Bill makes provision for a quicker and less roundabout way of taking those steps, which would otherwise have preceded the establishment of a town, in the case of existing towns only. This facilitates the acquisition of freehold of individual plots in existing residential areas which were set aside in terms of the urban areas legislation of 1923 and 1945, and which are now deemed to be towns in accordance with the principal Act. This Bill, is therefore a further example of the Government’s earnest desire to meet human needs by facilitating the acquisition of freehold.
In the case of existing Black towns township development was, in many cases, an informal procedure. With the extension of freehold to Black people in 1986, it became necessary to take those steps for township development which would otherwise have preceded the establishment of a town. These steps are time-consuming and complicated.
Given the urgent need for housing, and for the sake of the development of established communities, it became necessary to expedite formal township development in respect of existing Black residential areas by adopting a quicker and less roundabout method with regard to the protection of the surface rights of home owners; the opening of township registers; and the simplification of title deed conditions. The consent of holders of mineral rights is usually required for township development in order to protect the surface rights of owners.
†In Black towns were property rights were previously not envisaged, the necessary permission of the holders of the mineral rights have in most cases not been obtained. However, many of these towns in which freehold will be granted have existed for decades. In order to eliminate the time-consuming process of obtaining the necessary permission, the Bill provides that the holders of mineral rights are deemed to have given permission for the establishment of the town concerned in the case of land upon which an existing town is situated.
It is necessary to open a town register when property rights are granted in towns. Town registers do not as yet exist for most of the Black towns involved. In terms of existing legislation the opening of township registers is a specialised task involving, inter alia, land surveyors and conveyancers. The Bill therefore further intends to empower the Minister to take certain steps on his own initiative in order to expedite the opening of these township registers. It is the intention that these powers of the Minister will, as is the case with most of the provisions of the principal Act, be assigned to the Administrators of the respective provinces, where the necessary expertise in this regard exists.
When land is consolidated for the establishment of new towns, steps are also taken to eliminate those title conditions included in the title deed to the land which are incompatible with township establishment. It would, for example, be undesirable for a town developer to transfer a thoroughfare to a watering point for stock on the other side of the town as a title condition on the title deed of each individual owner of a site.
Existing procedures to remove such restrictions are costly and time consuming, and to remove the title conditions concerned, may involve either the consent of a beneficiary or an application to court or an application to the Administrator in terms of the Removal of Restrictions Act, No 84 of 1967. Town establishment was rather informal in respect of existing towns and undesirable restrictive title conditions were in most cases not removed.
The Bill envisages that the Minister may authorise the cancellation, suspension or modification of servitudes and conditions which in his opinion are inconsistent with town establishment. I am convinced that these measures are of utmost importance if we are to expedite the elimination of obstructions to individual freehold in urban Black towns in this country.
Another most important aspect of the Bill, is that in terms of the principal Act the delegation of powers is further regulated. Clause 8 states that the Administrator may delegate any power conferred upon him in terms of the principal Act to, among others, a member of the Executive Committee of that province. In practical terms, this means that an Administrator may also delegate certain powers to a Black member of the Executive Committee. The result is that it is now being made possible for Black people to decide on their own affairs even at provincial level. This is another example of the embodiment of the Government’s policy of devolution of power and powersharing.
The Bill before us addresses practical problems and meets human needs. It is also directed at reform.
Mr Chairman, as the hon the Minister indicated, the aim of the bill is to simplify certain procedures for the acquisition of proprietary rights by Blacks. This party is not and never was in favour of the acquisition of proprietary rights by Black people in the RSA outside their own national states and the independent states. On those grounds we shall oppose any method that is aimed at making this process of the acquisition of proprietary rights easier and we are unable to support this Bill, although we can see that, from a practical point of view, it would facilitate certain aspects for the Registrar of Deeds.
While the hon the Minister regards the granting of the first proprietary rights to an area to Blacks during November 1987 as a historical event, we see it as a very sad day in the history of our country.
We want to make it very clear that whereas fixed rights existed, inasmuch as a holder of mineral rights enjoyed preference over a holder of surface rights, this Bill is now bringing about a complete revolution in that the holder of surface rights now enjoys preference. Therefore, in this process, this principle is being affected as well.
Mr Chairman, we on this side of the House consider this legislation to be of cardinal importance inasmuch as it is a rejection of everything which we have stood for in this country until now, and we cannot express our opposition to this Bill more clearly than by saying that we cannot support it at all.
Mr Chairman, the hon member for Ermelo concluded his speech by saying that this Bill represented a rejection of everything his party had always stood for. I hope the hon member for Ermelo is aware of the meaning and the purport of what he said.
The Official Opposition repeatedly pretends to be prepared to grant other people the same rights they demanded for themselves.
Of course we do! [Interjections.]
The hon members of the Official Opposition reassure us over and over again that they grant Black people in this country the same privileges that they demand for themselves, but when we confront them with the realities, it seems that their reassurances are nothing more than lip service they pay to this principle.
Can you acquire ground in KwaZulu?
We have a striking example of it here, this afternoon. Here we are dealing with the question of proprietary rights, not for people who are not citizens of South Africa, but for Black people who are fellow citizens of the Republic of South Africa.
I am glad you have seen the light!
The hon member for Ermelo stated categorically that the Bill under discussion embodied a rejection of everything that his party stood for in the past and stands for now. This means that the Official Opposition is not prepared to grant proprietary rights on any grounds to Black people who are citizens of the Republic of South Africa. That is the very clear implication of the words of the hon member for Ermelo.
We shall not grant them proprietary rights!
In that case the Official Opposition must not blame us for never again believing them when they piously state here that they are also in favour of Black people enjoying the same rights that they enjoy—only separately. [Interjections.]
In their own countries!
It is not a question here of intermingling. It is not a question of integration. It is merely a question of Black people who are citizens of the Republic of South Africa having a claim to proprietary rights in Black towns within the Republic of South Africa.
You have come a long way over the years!
However, the hon member for Ermelo said this legislation represented a rejection of everything he and his party had always stood for.
How is it that you have come such a long way over the years?
The hon member said it was a sad day in the history of South Africa. No, Sir, we on this side of the House say it is an acceptance of the realities of South Africa …
The realities of a Black majority in South Africa.
… and, on the other hand, proof of either the inability or the unwillingness of hon members of the Official Opposition to face up to the realities of South Africa.
One of the most important realities that we are concerned with today is the need for housing for Black people. When the Government makes provision for housing for Black people in the budget, the hon members of the Official Opposition are in the forefront of those who object that too large a portion of the budget is being voted for the provision of housing for Black people. If the Government does not make provision for the necessary housing for Black people, who must do so? Who must do so? The Black people themselves!
When we as Whites want to provide housing for ourselves, we have access to financial resources and facilities. Those financial facilities are placed at our disposal on the grounds that as owners of land we can register a bond on our land.
Where and how must the Black man obtain the facilities in the private sector if he cannot obtain the proprietary rights to the land on which he wants to provide housing? Therefore it is absolutely essential that Black people have access to financial resources to enable them to satisfy their own housing needs. To obtain that access, it is essential that they be granted proprietary rights.
For a long time complaints have been widely made about the administrative red tape surrounding the question of proprietary rights for Black people, and this Bill is aimed at overcoming delays that prevented towns from being registered and proprietary rights granted to Black people, by inter alia making provision for a town register without going through the process that would normally apply in terms of the legislation on the registration of deeds.
If we want to deal with the problems of Africa of which we are a part, we should not do so by clinging rigidly to the standards of the First World. We cannot escape the reality that while we want the Republic of South Africa to be a First World state, based on the standards, norms and principles of the First World, we are part of Africa. We are irretrievably part of the Third World with an overwhelming Third World population component, and Third World issues and problems cannot be dealt with strictly according to the rules, standards and norms of the First World. It is just not feasible. It is just not possible.
Must we lower the standards?
The hon member for Ermelo has asked me by way of an interjection whether we must lower the standards. No, surely the legislation does not suggest that the standards of the deeds office legislation be done away with. We are merely recognising the reality that one cannot maintain those standards unchanged in Black towns, because if one were to do so, one would never be able to cope with the problem of Black settlement in South Africa.
Therefore, far from being a sad day in the history of South Africa, I see in this legislation further proof of the fact that the Government and this side of the House are serious when we say that we are engaged in a policy of reform, a policy of reform based on the realities of the situation that we must deal with, and that the Government is serious when it says it is pursuing a policy of devolution of authority, and when it says it is accepting the Black man in the Republic of South Africa, not as a problem or a burden, but as an asset and an even greater potential asset.
However, we must continue to address the fact that we are accommodating a part of the Africa component, the Third World component in South Africa, and that we cannot do this by strictly complying with, maintaining and clinging to the norms and standards of the First World.
For this reason it is a great pleasure for me to support this Bill.
Mr Chairman, I want to associate myself with the hon member for Mossel Bay, who was chairman of the standing committee, by saying that we support this Bill. Indeed we expressed our opinion on this matter in 1986, when the question of private ownership for Blacks in urban areas in South Africa was debated, and I have no mind to reopen that debate here, except to associate myself with the feelings that the hon member for Mossel Bay expressed in this regard.
Yet I want to say—those who know their politics will know what I am talking about—that there was a period of many years when Blacks did have proprietary rights in our urban areas. It is not something new or a creation of this Government. In fact it was a tragedy that those rights were taken away. They had proprietary rights in various urban areas, and other rights as well, such as 30-year rights, but we all know that since time immemorial there have been attempts to put an end to Black presence in our urban areas. You know as well as I do, Sir, what misery was caused by this and what price was paid for the pass-laws and the like, by literally millions of Blacks who found themselves in prison because of that policy we implemented.
All I want to say is that I support this measure in so far as it gives practical implementation to these proprietary rights. It will simplify matters for those Blacks to whom we granted proprietary rights in 1986, by doing away with the red tape that has been characteristic of the whole situation until now, and which has led to the number of Blacks who were in fact able to avail themselves of that advantage that we created, being very small. I believe that in this way we are going to encourage and simplify that process.
There is something I just cannot understand about the hon members of the CP. Whether we want to admit it or not—it is true in terms of CP policy as well—we cannot foresee the day, tomorrow or the day after tomorrow, when Blacks will disappear from our urban areas or when it will be possible to remove them. Despite all the attempts we made, the Black population in urban areas has grown by the millions, and the situation will never change.
We also know about the problems that have been experienced over the years by our urban Black population, and part of that problem can be attributed to the feeling of impermanence that those people had. I think that any right-minded South African will know that the day people are granted permanence—in other words when they can own their own homes—they are not going to burn down or endanger their own property, and will realise that our first priority in South Africa under these circumstances ought to be to create that permanence and stability. If we give people something to lose they will be good citizens of this country in the same way that my colleagues and I are good citizens, because they are my fellowcitizens.
I just want to add that we have a few minor problems with the Bill. I think the powers of delegation are too wide and too extensive, and I made this clear on the standing committee, but as far as the crux of this Bill is concerned, namely that the acquisition of proprietary rights for Blacks is being facilitated, it is a great pleasure for me to support this Bill on behalf of this party.
Mr Chairman, it is a pleasure for me to speak after the hon member Prof Olivier. I agree with him that the NP Government’s policy with regard to influx control and land-ownership has changed. The magnanimity of the party lies in the fact that it considers it its duty to change any policy it sees is not working. If one does not want to accept that reality, firstly, one is telling oneself an untruth and secondly, one is telling the voters an untruth.
That is exactly the problem that I have with the CP; we experienced problems with these matters when the hon members were still part of the NP. They know about the problems but go on telling the voters that we do not have to grant landownership, and that we should have influx control because it can work.
One thing I want to grant the CP, is that they are consistent in what they say in this House. They are consistent in their view that Blacks should not have proprietary rights, consistent in their view that they should not have political rights, consistent in their view that they should not have living space and consistent in their view that money need not be given for their economic and social development. The only purpose for which the Black man should be used in this country is to work for the CP.
They do not care what becomes of him in the evening. It has absolutely nothing to do with them what kind of life he leads, where he stays and in what conditions.
I am very grateful that the hon the Minister introduced this legislation, because the availability of easily acquired proprietary rights has certain very important implications. The first implication is related to Black local government. If the Government is serious about strengthening Black local authorities economically—and the Government is—the Black local authority must have a basis on which to levy taxes. The only basis of taxation at local government level is property tax. Therefore it is essential that more Black people own property because it will broaden the tax-base of Black local authorities.
When I read the CP’s policy which states that Black local authorities can exist, but that there can be no proprietary rights, I wonder whether they want to subsidise Black local authorities entirely with their so-called White taxpayers’ money. One cannot have one’s cake and eat it. One cannot prevent someone from levying taxes and at the same time expect him to generate his own funds.
There is a second matter that is very important in this easy acquisition of proprietary rights. If one gives a man something to lose, he will not become a revolutionary. Stability in this country lies in proprietary rights. How urgently we need those proprietary rights in these troubled times!
A third important point that the acquisition of proprietary rights holds for us, is that with this legislation we are once again showing the Black people of this country that the Government is serious about its reform policy with regard to their community as well. In reality, we are giving recognition to the permanence of Black people in this country and thereby we are once again committing ourselves to the eventual accommodation of political rights for Black people.
It is a great privilege for me to support this Bill.
Mr Chairman, when one listens to the hon member for Parow, I think one realises that he is also a consistent hon member of this Parliament. Were it not for the fact that the NP had moved so much to the left, the hon member would have felt more at home in the PFP than he does at the moment in the NP. [Interjections.] I want to tell that hon member—that hon ex-MEC—that I have very seldom heard such nonsense emanating from one mouth as I heard coming from that hon member’s mouth today when he said that the CP are interested in only one thing and that is in the labour of the Blacks, and do not concern themselves at all about their economic or mental development or where they sleep at night. [Interjections.]
I myself am an employer with Black people in my service and I want to tell that hon member that in my own sphere I stand back for no Nationalist in respect of the working conditions or wages of my people or in regard to my relationship with them. [Interjections.] To tell the truth, it is becoming all the more apparent in South Africa that the Black people are seeing through the lipservice of the Nationalists and are developing a high appreciation for the consistency and honesty of the conservative White Afrikaner in whom they see the traditional Afrikaner as they have known him over the years. [Interjections.] That is what I want to tell that hon gentleman. As upright as the old NP was in respect of its treatment of and its approach to the development of the Black people in South Africa to their fullest potential in their own areas and under their own people, just as honestly will the CP when they come into power in the future maintain the image of the White Afrikaner as it existed among the Black people and which was the way in which they knew him. [Interjections.]
The fact is that we are dealing here with a situation where when the hon member Prof Olivier spoke about the misery that has been caused and the tragedies of the past, hon members on that side of the House, including the hon the Minister, nodded in agreement. They were forgetting that for 30 years they had enthusiastically, courageously and determinedly participated in that misery that was caused and the tragedies that took place. It was only when they could no longer see their way clear to continue to take South Africa along the path that had been plotted out that the situation changed to one of tragedy and misery. I can tell the hon member that when the NP threw in the towel under the leadership of this hon State President and his Ministers, the situation that had arisen from the old policy of the NP was changing.
During the period 1980 to 1985 the numbers of Black people in Natal outside Zululand dropped by 21% while the numbers in KwaZulu increased by 35% during the same period. [Interjections.] What does this tell us? We observe this in the Black residential areas in the Black homelands that have been opened up for the Black people. They want to go there and live in their own areas. They want to live among their own people. [Interjections.]
Inasmuch as the hon member Prof Olivier, the hon the Minister and the hon member for Mossel Bay have made this allegation, we say that the CP is in favour of the Black peoples of South Africa having their own geographic territory so that they can grant private property rights within that territory or deal with the land exactly as they please. In White South Africa …
Mr Chairman, in pursuance of the statements by the hon member’s leader that large Black metropolitan cities are going to come into existence in South Africa, may I ask him whether Blacks are going to have property rights there?
I am dealing with another matter at the moment but I shall come to that point just now. [Interjections.] The fact of the matter is that at the moment I am discussing White South Africa. [Interjections.] What I am saying …
Order! There are a few hon members whose voices are being heard too often. They must make fewer interjections. The hon member may proceed.
As far as White South Africa is concerned, the Whites will have property rights. If Black metropolitan areas are linked up with Black states the people in those areas will have the same rights as they have in the Black states. [Interjections.]
I want to come back now to the hon member for Mossel Bay. He stated that clinging to First World standards cannot last for ever in South Africa.
For Black people.
That is correct; for Black people. I want to say, however, that those First World standards are now being carried over to the Black people. They are now being given First World rights. However, they are being told that they will not have to submit to the same tests and conditions as those applicable to the First World community. If the situation arises in which the hon member wishes to start exercising the First World rights of subdividing here and granting certain rights there, what is going to become of that immovable property and the rights attached to it within two or three generations if one does not do it correctly right from the start? That is the question the hon member has to answer in this connection.
The hon member also said that we are of Africa, and Africa is part of the Third World. One of the things we note with concern is that this has always been the position. We were here as a First World component in a Third World Africa even before that terminology existed. At that time we did not bring ourselves down to the level of a Third World government and a Third World existence. However, that is what is happening in South Africa at the moment. This Government is seeking to force the First World community of South Africa down to the Third World level.
That is nonsense! You know that that is not so!
At the time when the First World community had a government that said it was keeping the First World community at that level, the Third World component of South Africa shared in the prosperity, stability and all the things that the First World community had. Now, however, one finds the reverse in that this Government does not care that the largest part of its First World component is being brought down to the Third World level. It no longer has sympathy for those people. [Interjections.] The Third World community of South Africa will no longer enjoy the advantages it enjoyed previously. South Africa will become like the Third World communities in South America, with this difference that those in the top echelons of government can protect themselves by means of soldiers and barbed wire. They do not care at all what happens to the rest of the community.
Order! The hon member must come closer to the Bill under discussion.
I am coming to that now, Mr Chairman.
We do not acknowledge the fact that Black townships cannot maintain the same standards. I agree with what the hon member for Mossel Bay said. One has, however, to be careful that when one does this in the development of a Third World community, one does not start at a level where one is in fact moving in the direction of slum development. The hon member shakes his head in disagreement. However, I want to ask him how one safeguards the situation on the basis of the present modus operandi. Is that safeguard built in? These are matters to which we want replies. My party believes that we must give the Black peoples in South Africa the best opportunity to develop themselves; that they should be able to develop swiftly; that we must help them by word and deed but that we must eventually help them to develop on their own. If one does not help them at the start to lay a good foundation, one will be placing them on a path at the end of which they will be likely to curse one even more than they are doing at the moment.
Mr Chairman, the hon member for Soutpansberg made a speech here today which was absolutely riddled with paternalism, such as: “We in the CP say you must elevate the Black people to the highest level possible.” We on this side of the House totally reject the whole concept of paternalism. We are at a point in our history in 1988 where other people have their own right as people to say what they think is good for them. They have the right to talk about their own rights as South African citizens and they have the right to work towards their own upliftment, as embodied in this measure, through the medium of property rights.
The hon member Prof Olivier quite correctly pointed out that historically, Black people had proprietary rights in the so-called White urban areas as well—which the CP now call White areas. There can be no argument about that. One can go back to the history prior to Union and to the history in the early period after Union. At that time Black people had proprietary rights in a number of places in South Africa. Allow me to take the hon member for Soutpansberg, who was MP for a Pretoria constituency back into the history of Pretoria. Coinciding with the development on Church Square the Black people had proprietary rights to the area on which the National Zoo is situated today, on a farm called Skoolplaats. This was a farm that belonged to the Berlin Missionary Society. Coinciding with the founding of Pretoria on Church Square by Whites, the Black people had proprietary rights in an area known as Bantoele. They had proprietary rights in an area known as Marabbastad. In the same way we can go to Johannesburg and to every individual city. In 1902 Black people had proprietary rights to land here in Cape Town at Ndabeni.
All the hon members of the CP have to do is to go back over the history of practically every city in this country to see that Black people had proprietary rights. Let us look at the Vaal Triangle. Evaton was a place where Black people had proprietary rights. Let us look at the Black residential areas in Kimberley. What did we do in South Africa? We on this side of the House readily admit that we followed the path taken in 1905 by the Native Affairs Commission. That was embodied in the policy of Gen Hertzog. A division of South Africa could be brought about in respect of land and also in respect of political rights. The NP at that time, with Gen Hertzog’s own policy and also subsequently, honestly believed that it was possible to partition absolutely and to permit Black people to exercise their political rights only in their own Black areas. That was what we believed. I also believed it. [Interjections.] Yes, we believed that Black people in a place like Johannesburg were there only temporarily in many respects.
Allow me to tell the hon member for Soutpansberg an interesting piece of history. I shall give him the name of the official concerned who is still living today and who sat in front of the late Dr Verwoerd in his office in the 50s. Dr Verwoerd was a celebrated leader who was respected by all of us in this House, just as we respect all our leaders. This particular man sat before Dr Verwoerd and discussed with him the electrification of Soweto. He told Dr Verwoerd that it would cost R150 000 to electrify Soweto. In accordance with the prevailing political thought of the day, Dr Verwoerd told him at that stage: Mr So-and-so, you are a liberalist. We cannot do it. We cannot make this place so attractive to the people that they will feel that they are here permanently. That was the thinking at the time! We all thought it was ideologically possible to follow such a policy.
The late Adv Vorster then came to light with the 99-year leasehold provision because we told ourselves that it was not possible, sensible or in the interests of South Africa to tell Black people that they were here only temporarily and had no rights. We could not tell them that they could only exercise their political rights in the Black states.
Order! With great respect, I do not think we are dealing here with a question of whether or not proprietary rights for Blacks should be accepted. That was accepted in legislation a long time ago. The hon member must confine himself more specifically to the Bill under discussion.
The reason why I am advancing this argument is that the hon member for Soutpansberg attacked the ideology of our policy throughout his speech. In fact, towards the end he argued that it was our policy to bring the Whites in South Africa down to Third World standards. Land ownership has everything to do with the philosophy of the Government that we want to uplift everyone in South Africa so that nobody is brought down but rather that everyone will assist in the policy of upliftment. As other hon members have said, land ownership gives a person a financial and economic anchor in order to be able to borrow money to buy a house and then, as we as Whites know, to sell that piece of land at a profit and reinvest the money in another piece of land.
Land ownership forms the basis of the capitalist or free enterprise system and that is why we on this side of the House believe that Black people must form part of the economic system through the medium of land ownership if we want to make this country economically strong. Therefore, we reject the point of view of the CP that it is the NP’s intention to bring down the White population and the developed section of the population. Our attitude is to give everyone, inter alia by means of this measure, an economic anchor so that he can uplift himself and become a partner in the total upliftment of his own community as well as of the whole of South Africa.
Let us look at a further logical point. I should like to put a question to the hon the Leader of the Official Opposition, if I may have his attention. I am not trying to score political points off him. I just want to discuss the logic behind their point of view of rejecting this amending Bill. I would like to know from the hon the Leader of the Official Opposition whether he agrees with what the hon member for Overvaal had to say a few days ago in this House to the hon member for Jeppe. It is recorded in Hansard that he said that a Black man in Soweto was not a citizen of South Africa. I should like to know from the hon the Leader of the Official Opposition whether that is also his point of view.
Make your speech. I am not going to stand up and reply.
Then I must accept that the hon member for Overvaal who is responsible for information in that party and is a leading light in the Official Opposition was expressing the point of view of the CP when he said that a Black man in Soweto was not a citizen of South Africa. In that case their point of view in regard to this Bill that a Black person should not be given proprietary rights, makes complete sense. Why should anybody want to give a person rights such as proprietary rights if one does not believe that he is a citizen of one’s country? A person who is not a citizen actually has no claim to property rights or to any rights flowing from them. We on this side of the House therefore accept the fact that the hon member for Overvaal was expressing the point of view of the Official Opposition and of the hon leader of that party when he said that a Black man in Soweto was not a citizen of South Africa.
We on this side of the House adopted the Restoration of South African Citizenship Act in 1986. Through the medium of that Act we restored citizenship to millions of Black people who had been born in South Africa but who had lost their citizenship when the TBVC countries became independent. [Interjections.] We are now giving those same people the rights that are inherent in citizenship and to which all citizens are entitled.
Like the franchise!
There is no doubt that citizenship is concomitant with the franchise. We are working on a system in that connection. There is no doubt about that. [Interjections.] Would hon members please just listen? Surely one cannot tell someone who has been born in a country that he is not a citizen of that country. Neither can one acknowledge somebody’s citizenship and then say that he may not own land. [Interjections.]
You can, however, say that he is a citizen but that he may not vote.
I am not going to talk about the franchise under this Bill. [Interjections.] Mr Chairman, I only want to discuss land rights because you will not permit me to talk about the franchise.
Mr Chairman, if the hon member for Innesdal contends that citizens of independent national states can become enfranchised citizens in a central government system in South Africa—the hon member says they are working on it—will the hon member then concede that the hon the Minister of Foreign Affairs was correct two years ago when he said that there could therefore also be a Black State President? [Interjections.]
Mr Chairman, I wish I could reply to the hon member’s question in this discussion but you are not going to permit me to do so because we are talking now … [Interjections.] No, Sir, I say it unequivocally to the hon member. We are not afraid to answer that question. No one on this side of the House is afraid to talk about the political rights of Blacks. Nobody on this side runs away from that because we are not going to sell out our children, the Whites or our country. However, Mr Chairman, you are not going to permit me to elaborate any further on this point. I gather that from your approach.
Let us come now to the logic of the CP who are opposing this measure. The CP are telling millions and millions of Black people in South Africa today—people who were born in Cape Town, Johannesburg, the PWV area, Kimberley, Port Elizabeth and in the Free State and who in terms of international law are citizens of this country by reason of their birth—that they have no right to land ownership. And then they say that they want peace! The CP say that they have no claim to those rights. The CP also says that they are not citizens and that, because they are not citizens, they dare not own land. What they are actually telling millions of Blacks and vast communities in our midst is that the CP wants to condemn them to perpetual poverty and misery, because they know just as well as we do that land ownership is one of the most basic elements in the world to give a person stability. It is for this reason that we on this side of the House have brought up this measure, and it is for this reason that we are proud to have been able to do so. It is for this reason that we will be able to tell our children in 10 or 15 years’ time … Just let me say this, Sir …
[Inaudible.]
No, just let me say this, Sir. When our children read the history of South Africa in 50 years’ time, not one of us will have his name in the history books. All that will be there will be that the Government which effected these changes under the leadership of President P W Botha changed course in South Africa in regard to Black property rights. History will then be able to judge that this change of course based on the realities that had to be dealt with by the Government had contributed dynamically and dramatically towards the stabilisation of individuals and communities as well as to the economic development and upliftment of everyone in South Africa. That is why we are proud to be able to introduce a measure like this, a measure that is just and sensible and can only lead to progress and advancement. We are grateful to be able to belong to such a party because we will certainly not sell out our children by adopting the kind of reckless points of view that the CP have adopted in regard to the land ownership rights of Blacks in this discussion.
Mr Chairman, I want to thank the hon members for Mossel Bay, Parow and Innesdal and also the hon member Prof Olivier for their support of this legislation.
The hon member Prof Olivier stated quite correctly that this legislation does not deal fundamentally with proprietary rights to land but in fact with the procedures for the registration of such proprietary rights. Indeed, the debate in 1986 was about proprietary rights when the principal Act was passed.
I should like to make a few remarks in this connection. The hon member for Ermelo was a member of the standing committee that considered this legislation. In the standing committee the hon member did not debate the merits of the legislation; all he did was record his party’s opposition to the legislation.
Why not?
I am dealing with the hon member for Ermelo. I just want to say that if the hon member and his party felt as strongly about this particular Bill as he gives us to understand today, one would have expected him to use his powers of persuasion to try to convince his colleagues in the standing committee to come to another decision.
Don’t be paternalistic! [Interjections.]
I want to take this point further, however. This is a very interesting debate even considering what the hon member for Soutpansberg said here today. He said that land rights had of necessity to be linked to political rights. Of necessity! I do not say that land rights have no implications as far as political rights are concerned. However, there are literally thousands of people throughout the world who own land in countries of which they are not citizens. [Interjections.]
However, there is another important thing. What are the true facts in regard to land today? The onus, both financially and otherwise, in respect of the provision of housing has for decades been the responsibility of the State as far as Black communities are concerned. Since the founding of the Official Opposition party, one of the main elements of their criticism of the Government has been the amount spent on Black communities.
Incorrect spending!
Unnecessary spending! [Interjections.]
Where we are now trying to streamline this particular legislation so that, in the first instance, more members of Black communities are able to acquire land sooner and, in the second instance, it will also be made possible for the private sector to obtain land more expeditiously in these areas so as to contribute to the accommodation of their employees, we now find that the Official Opposition are arguing against this measure. That surprises me, Sir.
The second statement I want to make is the following. Hon members opposite have always accepted the permanence of Black people in the Republic of South Africa. [Interjections.] Yes, Sir!
Not we! [Interjections.]
Yes, Sir! When those hon members were still in the NP the Act of 1945 was on the Statute Book. That Act provided for permanent rights for Black people.
What sort of rights?
In terms of section 10 of that Act permanent rights were provided for the Black people. The hon member for Soutpansberg ought to know that.
I am asking what those rights were?
I want to go further, Sir. The hon members of the CP supported the legislation of 1982. I am referring now to the legislation in terms of which Black local authorities could be established for Black people in our cities.
Yes.
The hon member says that is correct. Were those rights not political rights then?
Limited political rights! [Interjections.]
Interesting! The hon member says they were limited political rights. [Interjections.] Now we have him, Sir. He says he is not opposed to political rights for Black people; he is only in favour of limited political rights for Black people. [Interjections.] That is what the hon member has said. Let us take this a little further.
Now he is annoyed! [Interjections.]
Is the hon member still in favour of Black local authorities for Black communities outside the national states? You see, Sir, now the hon member is as quiet as a mouse. [Interjections.] Now he has nothing to say.
The hon member has declared himself in favour of limited political rights for Black communities outside the self-governing states. In the absence of any denial I must accept that he is still in favour of them. So the hon member’s party accepts a few things. They accept the permanence of Black communities outside the national states. They accept the fact that those people can have political rights—limited, as indicated by the hon member. On what basis then does the hon member argue that those people may not have proprietary rights to land? On what basis at all?
White supremacy!
What I have to say to the hon member now I say without rebuke. Everyone makes a partial judgement according to the facts at his disposal. However, I contend that if we are able to give property rights to Black communities more expeditiously, the intrusion about which those hon members complain so vociferously would not take place to the same extent as that to which it has already taken place.
Let us look at the situation. It does not help to curse the facts. The fact remains that we must look at the reasons for the occupation by Black communities as well of land in our cities. In the first place, this is so because inadequate land has been identified on which Black communities can be settled, and secondly, because the State is unable to provide housing for everybody. When the State takes steps to alleviate the situation, the advocates for White rights oppose legislation which is seeking to do just that.
What are we doing? South Africa’s economy cannot be maintained without the inclusion of the Black man as well. I want to refer to just one fact in this connection. It is estimated that there are 10,5 million economically active people in South Africa and, of those, 6,9 million or 66% are Black. What about the stability in labour? What about the productivity value that is now linked to the housing circumstances in which people find themselves? What about the maintenance of stability in our cities?
I want to point out that White rights are only safe to the extent that we are in a position to recognise and bring to fruition the rights of others as well. [Interjections.] As long as we are unable to do that so long will the rights of the Whites be at risk.
You have already …
That is why I say that when my party is struggling to give content to the rights of other people as well, it is a lie to allege that this is being done at the expense of the Whites. No, it is also for the sake of the Whites. [Interjections.]
It is only you and your party who believe that…
Order! The hon member for Soutpansberg is continuously making remarks. The hon the Minister may proceed.
Perhaps you should simply allow him to do so, Sir, because then he will continue to reveal his ignorance.
We are all in favour of a specific economic system. The hon member referred to this matter. The success of that system is also going to depend upon our ability to enable the other groups to function properly within that system, not only as employees but also as entrepreneurs, and also not as lessees but also as owners. I agree with all the hon members who stated that land ownership is one of the most important pillars in a free economic system and that it is moreover an important element in the stabilisation of communities. For that reason it is also an important element in the stabilisation of our country. Therefore, I make no apologies for the legislation that is before us, except for the fact that we did not identify these omissions when we passed the Act in 1986.
I want to take this argument further. Hon members have accepted the fact that Black communities are entitled to land outside the national states. I am speaking now of all the hon members sitting there who previously sat on this side. Leasehold is a right to land. Of course, I concede that it is a particular kind of right.
[Inaudible.]
The hon member must just give me a chance. I know precisely what his reaction is going to be. The system of 99-year leasehold is the land title system in many countries today. [Interjections.]
Not in South Africa. You are always advancing that specious argument.
Order! If the hon member for Soutpansberg continues in this vein I shall have to prohibit him from making any further interjections. The hon the Minister may proceed.
The hon member says “not in South Africa”, but he accepted this for South Africa’s Black communities. This legislation is also necessary for the purposes of the registration of that type of property right. I do not think the hon member has even read the Bill. He has only come along here to object on the basis of what he thinks is a specific principle.
Mr Chairman, may I ask the hon the Minister a question?
No, Sir, I am still busy.
If we wish to enable the Black communities also to make a larger financial contribution towards the resources of the State—and we have to do so—then we have to enable them to learn the elements of an economic system. Investment in property is one of those. [Interjections.]
I wish to take this point further and to conclude on this note. The Official Opposition have therefore also accepted property rights for Black people, and today they have reaffirmed the fact that they accept them although they do not accept freehold title. However, they have accepted the system of 99-year leasehold which is also registered in the deeds office and which is regarded by many people as being the same as freehold title. In other words, those hon members are arguing today in support of the rejection of something that they accepted previously.
I want to conclude by saying that we are all talking about one thing namely that certain groups are not paying their rightful share of taxes. Property rates are part of those taxes.
Mr Chairman, may I ask the hon the Minister a question?
No, Sir, I am concluding my argument.
This is the basis of a local management system, as hon members have said. That is why I say that this legislation before us represents a positive step towards implementing a policy which we all accept.
Question agreed to (Official Opposition dissenting).
Bill read a second time.
Introductory speech delivered in House of Representatives (see col 4348), and tabled in House of Assembly.
Mr Chairman, I move:
Mr Chairman, as the hon the Deputy Minister has indicated, this is yet again legislation which affects many aspects of various acts. It is an example of the kind of omnibus legislation in which certain provisions would be acceptable, because they merely concern the technical rectification of acts. However, because, as already indicated, they also form part of the general reform set-up we cannot support this Bill.
I want to start by referring in the first place to the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act. We really have no objection to this amendment, but I want to mention one matter here. It is strange that when this Bill was initially submitted to the standing committee it contained a clause in terms of which the definition of “magistrate” was to be extended to include an assistant and an additional magistrate in order to facilitate the work of and ease the burden on magistrates as regards the implementation of this legislation.
The Bill still contains it.
At the present moment the legislation does not contain that clause. We have a Bill in front of us which does not contain it; this is all we have in front of us. We say it is therefore clear that in the search for consensus the governing party has again had to forfeit what it at first considered to be an essential measure, as I have already indicated, to lighten that work load. This must now be forfeited in order to allow accommodation to take place. I am mentioning this in passing.
As regards the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982, I want to refer in particular to that provision in connection with the franchise now being given to Black people. Yet again this concerns an ideological aspect, namely that a person who is the owner of immovable property also acquires franchise. In terms of section 8(l)(b) of that specific Act a person from an independent state also acquires franchise. However, we are opposed to this in principle, and we have always been opposed to it. The acquisition of freehold is unacceptable to us, as we already indicated in the previous legislation, and for that reason we cannot support this legislation. However, we have no objection to supporting in full the amendment to section 23 of Act 102 of 1982. Nor do we have any objection to the delegation of powers.
As regards the Promotion of Local Government Affairs Act, we merely want to point out that we are dealing here with the introduction of mixed regional services councils, which is totally unacceptable to us. This again forms part of the entire process of mixing and integration which is taking place at all levels of society. It is again the case that the chairman of a regional services council, who is a nominated member, can gain a seat on the co-ordinating council. As I have indicated, this is unacceptable to us in principle.
The same applies to section 7G of the Constitutional Affairs Amendment Act of 1985. Unfortunately this was already incorporated in the previous legislation, but this clause constitutes recognition of the existence of those aspects which were unacceptable to us in the previous legislation. It contains concepts in which we are dealing with a mixed executive committee, which is unacceptable to us. This also applies to the Provincial Government Act of 1986. We objected from the outset to the abolition of provincial councils. Here too mixed councils are being given a say as regards borders and the alteration of borders. This is also unacceptable to us, and based on this we do not see our way clear to support this legislation and we shall vote against it.
Mr Chairman, it is not surprising that the hon member for Ermelo does not support this Bill. Those components which are acceptable to him, are actually some of the minor amendments incorporated in the Bill.
It is interesting that when the hon member for Ermelo discusses franchise for Blacks and thereby implies that he is satisfied that there should be local government institutions for these people, he simply links his objection to the fact that those people acquire their franchise on the basis of the ownership of property in that area. It is also interesting that the owners of property are in the majority of cases the people residing on that property and the right of occupation of property in such an area would also give one the right to vote in terms of the Act as it now reads.
As regards regional services councils, one also expected this to create a problem for the hon member and his party, because it dealt with the entire principle of representation in this regional services council. The hon member touched briefly on another aspect by objecting to the fact that some of the nominated chairmen would be able to serve on this council. He actually neglected to mention that some of the other members, ie the elected members, would also be able to serve on these councils as well as on the co-ordinating body. Provision has been made for this. The democratic processes will eventually also have to be used to introduce this.
As regards the other aspects in connection with the provincial government system, the hon member was totally opposed to the principle in the existing Act. The objection therefore does not fall within the framework of the amendment as such that is before this House today.
The amending Bill before the House has as its objective—this is how the hon the Deputy Minister put it—the amendment of a number of Acts, namely the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act, 1951; the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982; the Promotion of Local Government Affairs Act, 1983; the Constitutional Affairs Amendment Act, 1985; and the Provincial Government Act, 1986. The first clause in this Bill basically contains only a legal technical rectification in that reference is now made in the Afrikaans text to a “landdros” and a “landdroshof” instead of to a “magistraat” and a “magistraatshof”. For that reason it is therefore an acceptable amendment.
Clauses 2, 3, 4 and 5 of the Bill amend the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982. All these clauses were also amended by Act 58 of 1986. This again shows how dynamic the development of this entire sphere of constitutional development is. Clause 2 actually speaks for itself, because it merely provides that for the purposes of the implementation of the Act certain councils shall be deemed to be city councils. This clause did not give rise to any problems in the Standing Committee on Constitutional Development either. Nor was there any problem in accepting the amendment as it stands.
Clause 3 amends section 8 of the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982, which deals with the qualifications of members and registered voters. Section 8(l)(c) of this Act provides that no person shall be competent to vote unless he is, inter alia, entitled or authorised in terms of paragraph (a), (b) or (c) of the relevant subsection of section 10E of the Blacks (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, the notorious or objectionable Act 25 of 1945, to be resident in the area or has been lawfully resident in the area for a period of not less than 12 months or such other period as may be prescribed by the Minister, but which shall not exceed three years. The proposed clause which to a great extent has been brought into line with the legislation applying to local authorities of other communities, provides that a voter shall be resident in the area of the local authority concerned for a period of not less than three months or that he shall be the owner of immovable property in the relevant area. This clause now makes it easier for a voter to participate in the election of representatives of local authorities. This is contributing progressively to the broadening of the democratic process and to rectifying the matter at this stage.
The three month residence requirement was inserted as an alternative to the possession of immovably property in order to control the capricious movement of voters from one residential area to another, because this was an aspect which could easily be abused for voting purposes. In this connection specifically, representations were received which were considered and agreed to by the standing committee. This amended clause is a proposal which was formulated after representatives of all three Houses had reached consensus. Only the CP abstained from voting on the entire amending Bill.
Again?
This reminded one of Pat Boone, who said: “Keep them guessing”. This was the approach, although one could very clearly see the eventual result of their attitude here too.
Section 23 of the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982, which deals with the rights, powers, functions and duties of local authorities, is being amended by clause 4 so that the outdated references to a national unit and the Promotion of Black Self-Government Act in subsection (1)(o) are replaced by “self-governing territory” and “the Representation between the Republic of South Africa and Self-Governing Territories Act”.
Section 55 of the Black Local Authorities Act deals with the powers of delegation of the Minister, the Administrator and the Director. Clause 5 of the Bill now extends these powers of delegation by providing for the delegation of powers by the Administrator to a member or members of the Executive Committee of the province in question, in the same way that his powers can be delegated to a smaller committee or a committee of members of the executive committee.
The existing wording authorises the Administrator to delegate certain powers to any official in the relevant provincial administration. By implication this would mean that the administrator could delegate a power or a duty to an official subordinate to a provincial secretary, without consulting the provincial secretary in this regard. The proposed amendment provides for the delegation of powers to the provincial secretary concerned, who in turn may delegate the powers to other officials. An official who is authorised to carry out some of the duties, would then be under an obligation to the person delegating the powers to him, the provincial secretary. This power of the provincial secretary is, however, limited in that he may only delegate with the approval of the Administrator. In this way the political functionaries will still have to answer for the powers exercised by persons to whom they have been delegated, albeit legally.
The standing committee took cognisance of the functions at present being delegated, and was satisfied that these powers were not being abused, but nevertheless felt that it would be advisable in future to get the approval of the Administrator for this.
Clauses 6, 7 and 8 amend the Promotion of Local Government Affairs Act, 1983. The constitution of the co-ordinating council which came into operation in terms of section 3 of that Act, is now being amended by providing that 13 instead of 12 persons may be nominated by the United Municipal Executive, provided that at least one shall be a chairman or member of the regional services council. Members of the committee who have representation in terms of section 3(3)(e) are increased from 10 to 11, similarly on condition that at least one shall be a chairman or a member of the regional services council.
Lastly, the 10 members who can be nominated by the Urban Councils Association of South Africa are also being increased to 12 to make provision for a chairman or a member of a regional services council. This adjustment became necessary in order to accept the reality of regional services councils in South Africa by giving these councils proper representation in this co-ordinating council. It is an irrefutable fact that the regional services council is playing an increasingly important role in local government, and it would be senseless not to give them representation on this council.
The representation of the regional services council and the co-ordinating council has also been determined in such a way that members who are not nominated chairmen, but elected members, will have a seat on the co-ordinating council. Clause 9 of the Bill only amends the functions of the demarcation board for the areas of local authorities and eliminates, one is tempted to say thankfully, the unnecessary duplication of certain publications that is at present required.
Clause 13 amends section 15 of the Provincial Government Act, which provides for the assignment of functions of office and the delegation of powers. The new proposed subsection (1A) in clause 13(b) requires that the State President shall assign certain powers by proclamation in the Gazette. The principle that the State President may assign to an Administrator the implementation of a provision in an Act which has been allocated to a Minister, is therefore being retained. The new proposed subsection (1A) in clause 13(b) reads as follows:
This Minister can only be a person referred to in section 20 of the Constitution Act. Section 20 deals specifically with the Cabinet, and in the specific subsections applicable there—subsections (b) and (c)—it is also stated very clearly that this concerns general affairs Ministers.
The new proposed subsection (1B) in clause 13(b) provides that an own affairs Minister, ie a member of the Ministers’ Council, may also assign functions on an agency basis to the administrator, who then performs these functions on behalf of the Minister concerned.
Mr Chairman, I think the Chairman of the Standing Committee on Constitutional Development deserves our respect and thanks for the way in which he deals with the business of this specific committee. I do not think it is always realised how sensitive the matters are which come before this committee. These sensitivities concern not only the different points of view and policy approaches of the respective parties in each House, but also the aspirations and needs experienced by each of the respective communities represented on that committee. I think the patience of the hon member for Mossel Bay in this regard is highly praiseworthy. It is a pleasure for me, too, to support this Bill on behalf of this side of the House.
Mr Chairman, it is clear from the speeches of the hon the Deputy Minister and the hon member for Port Elizabeth North that this is an omnibus Bill—it deals with a number of matters. I want to associate myself with the remarks of the hon member for Port Elizabeth North regarding the good work done by the chairman of the standing committee.
I do not actually care how popular I am, but I would make myself extremely unpopular if I were to discuss this Bill in detail in this House after the hon the Deputy Minister and the hon member for Port Elizabeth Central—he seems to have studied the Bill well—have already done so very effectively. I am not going to waste the House’s time by discussing the Bill in detail again. It is an omnibus Bill and I am certainly not going to discuss it in detail.
However, I want to say a few things. In the first place I want to get back to a few remarks made by the hon member for Ermelo. He referred here to the rejection of the first clause in the original Bill, which dealt with the definition of “magistrate”. It also made provision for an assistant magistrate and an additional magistrate. The members of the other two Houses objected to this on the basis of the powers which can be exercised by a magistrate in terms of the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act. They felt that the powers were so all-embracing and comprehensive that they wanted to be certain that only a very responsible person would be entrusted with the powers vested in him in terms of that Act.
Under the circumstances they said that they did not want to transfer that co-opting to an assistant or additional magistrate because they did not have the assurance that those people had the maturity and experience to apply those wide powers in an effective and balanced way. Their argument may possibly be fallacious. This was nevertheless the reason they advanced.
What worries me, however, as regards the remark which the hon member for Ermelo made, was that he linked this to the matter of consensus. He said that the NP had again changed something and made a concession and so on because the NP contingent was only ostensibly interested in consensus. If I remember correctly, the NP contingent supported this specific aspect. It was the other two Houses that rejected it. If we are not even prepared to seek consensus with these people with regard to such a specific point I want to ask how on earth the CP can ever hope to implement its policy. [Interjections.] Do the hon members of the CP want to tell me that they are not prepared to seek consensus with the other groups of people under any circumstances? Does consensus mean the “Yes, master” kind of consensus to them; the consensus of “I will decide for you and you will go along with it”? That, Mr Chairman, was what worried me about the rejection by the hon member for Ermelo of this particular provision in the Bill under discussion.
I can only deduce one thing from this, namely that the concept of consensus is totally unacceptable per se to the CP. To them this therefore simply means “We decide and whoever disagrees with us, whether they be White or Black, will have to fall in with what we decide”. We can forget about wanting to govern this country on that basis. [Interjections.]
The second thing that worried me about the hon member for Ermelo’s reaction, was that he rejected these other provisions in the measure on the basis of the fact that they again created mixed bodies. I want to put the question again. We have a situation in our country in which, no matter what we do, we cannot wish the other people away. Whether we like it or not structures are going to be established and there must be structures in which those people can participate in the government of this country, and in which they will have to participate with Whites. It does not matter what party is in power, that is the reality of the matter. I cannot understand how the CP can think that it can create structures in South Africa based solely on race. This is after all the implication of what they say. When there are mixed bodies the CP says this amounts to integration. Then the hon members of the CP must not take it amiss of us when we say that they are motivated primarily by racism. It is only when one adopts a racist approach that one says under all circumstances that every mixed body is bad.
If anyone can tell me how one can explain this other than in terms of a racist approach, I would like to hear it. It is simply because those people are not White that they may not serve on the same body as Whites. Whether the hon member for Ermelo wants to accept this or not, this is and remains purely and simply racism of the worst kind. [Interjections.]
There is, however, a third remark I want to make. That will then suffice. This concerns the question of franchise for Blacks. I am referring to the legislation in connection with Black local authorities, of which mention has also been made in previous speeches. Blacks had franchise with regard to Black urban local authorities, which, as has already been indicated, was also agreed to by hon members of the CP when they were still members of the governing party. That was in 1982. That franchise was linked to section 10 of the Black (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, 1945. This Act has been repealed. A new basis had therefore to be sought in terms of which those people could be given franchise. Mr Chairman, that is the entire crux of the matter!
The fact that this is linked to a period of three months and to freehold or the occupation of property, does not in our opinion affect the nature of the problem. The nature of the problem is that instruments had been created and that Blacks had been given that right in terms of existing legislation with which the hon members of the entire NP, which at that stage included the hon members of the CP, agreed. This is the principle of the matter, not the fact that it is linked to freehold, and that is why I again cannot understand this lack of logic. After all we told the people that in terms of certain qualifications in accordance with the Black (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, 1945, they were entitled to participate in the election of members of Black local authorities. Now apparently we must oppose this and say that we object to these provisions on the basis of the fact that these matters have been changed significantly.
There are other minor problems which I have with the Bill, other particulars which I would have liked to have changed, but with a rattletrap (rammelkas) Bill one always has the problem that one agrees with certain aspects whereas one is not quite so enthusiastic about other aspects. The hon the Deputy Minister will understand that. However, as regards the general tenor of the Bill, and the improvements contained in it, we really have no objection to supporting this Bill, and I take pleasure in doing so.
Mr Chairman, on behalf of this side of the House I thank the hon member Prof Olivier for his support for this specific Bill. I too do not intend to deal with the clauses individually, because this has already been done very comprehensively and thoroughly. Perhaps I should just link up with the point with which the previous speaker concluded his speech, namely the question of the franchise of the Black population, because this is the matter we are dealing with here. The Bill is merely a broadening of the democracy by means of another approach and the removal of unnecessary or troublesome restrictions in this regard. I am referring here to the provisions which have been removed as well as to the related matter of residence and freehold.
However, I should like to dwell on one element and link up with the previous speaker in this regard. For this purpose I shall confine myself to clause 5, which deals with delegation. In terms of this provision it is no longer necessary for delegation to be agreed to by the Minister. The Administrator may assign power by way of delegation.
The functioning of the entire system is of such a nature that the Executive Committee now consists of more than one work group and functions by way of a system of committees or even subcommittees. On this basis matters which affect Blacks, inter alia, can now be delegated from the Minister to the Administrator, hence to the Executive Committee and hence to a specific member of the Executive Committee. This provision is therefore a good example of devolution of power and the principle of self-government on own affairs.
It is a fact that delegation is an essential requirement for good administration, but I want to discuss one specific element of this, and this brings me to the argument of the hon member Prof Olivier. Delegation is based on one thing only, namely trust. It involves trust between the people who delegate and the people to whom power is delegated. Now I want to explain why the Official Opposition is opposed to certain elements of this. “Trust” is a word they are not acquainted with. Trust is an attitude which prevails between people and between organisations, and is not based on fairy-tales, on a Red Riding Hood mentality or on childrens’ games. That is what we heard during the election. I am referring to their policy of partition, of separatism, of a volkstaat or whatever.
However, recently another dimension or element has emerged in appearance in the ranks of that party. There are two forces which inspire people. One is reason, the other emotion. I am not going to elaborate further on this.
Another force has come to the fore. This was again apparent today in the debate on this specific legislation. This force is the emotion of instinct. Instinct is like an insect. An insect does not think, and people who act instinctively think even less.
At the same time the matter of delegation is also a matter of joint responsibility and power-sharing. This side of the House takes pleasure in supporting the Bill.
Mr Chairman, I should like to thank the hon members for Port Elizabeth North and Bloemfontein North for their support for the Bill, as well as the hon member Prof Olivier who pledged his somewhat reluctant support to the Bill on behalf of the PFP.
It seems to me that the subject of this Bill is about as interesting and exciting as the springs of an inner-spring mattress. One does not usually notice them, but when they no longer work properly, one sleeps badly; one is uncomfortable and rolls around and the springs dig one in the ribs. The next morning one gets out of bed feeling dissatisfied with life.
In this regard I find it interesting that the hon member Prof Olivier turned an omnibus (rommelkas) Bill into a rattletrap (rammelkas) Bill. This made me think of the hon member for Ermelo, who rattled on about things which did not really matter. This Bill does not introduce a single new principle, but is actually intended to allow existing bodies to function a little better. However, the hon member with his sore ribs could not leave well alone, and had to complain about things. I do not actually want to comment on the subjects to which the hon member for Ermelo objected. These are all old objections, which have been debated many times before.
I do want to associate myself to a certain extent with the hon member Prof Olivier, who said that the mere fact that the hon member for Ermelo had to bring up this matter of the assistant magistrate, was very telling. What is actually happening? The insertion or omission of “assistant magistrates” in that clause has nothing to do with any principle at all.
Why did you not use it then?
If no principle is involved, but a specific objection is raised by a specific party, why should one not accommodate people if they raise an objection which appears to be a significant one? One then simply refuses to accommodate them because one is refusing to accommodate them, and nothing else.
Mr Chairman, I want to know whether the reason for the insertion of magistrates and assistant magistrates was not initially because the legislation could not be administered properly because there were not sufficient magistrates to give judgments.
Mr Chairman, I do not think it is really necessary to react to that. It cannot possibly be such a fixed principle in this matter. It is certainly true that if assistant magistrates could also discuss the matter, this would undoubtedly facilitate the task of the magistrate. However, it is certainly not true that if assistant magistrates cannot deal with this, it will be difficult to enforce this legislation. Such a principle is not involved in the matter at all.
The mere fact that at the request of the other people we amended the matter in order to accommodate them, because no principle was involved, is being raked up by the CP and put forward as another example of how the Government yields time and again to pressure from the other people.
You are taking a long time to explain something which you say does not contain any principle!
Order!
That party’s stories have so little substance. That is what I want to say. I am not concerned about magistrates, but about the fact that the CP saw fit to try to put such a matter in that kind of light. If ever there was such a thing as petty politics, this is undoubtedly a definitive example. [Interjections.]
I do not want to say anything further about the kind of objection the Official Opposition lodged against this Bill through the hon member for Ermelo. These matters have all been dealt with long ago, and no new principle is involved here. I do not think it is necessary to give any further attention to this.
The hon member for Port Elizabeth North gave a very good explanation of how the legislation and all its different facets work. I thank him for that.
The hon member for Bloemfontein North used a very interesting word. He said that instinct was like insects, that do not think. I would like to advise those people who react on instinct, to now and then, when they experience a sober moment, consider for a moment the grounds on which they always oppose something. If one looks at the legislation which has been agreed to recently, with the objections of the CP, it becomes clear that they always react instinctively, if there is even a suggestion of anything which is not totally White. They should think for a moment, because in that way they are, for example, opposing legislation such as the recent Fire Brigade Services Bill. They are opposing the Municipal Accountants’ Bill. This is legislation that introduces good things, and to which no racial connotation can be attached. If there is a fire, then it glows red, and it is hot, and it does not matter what colour the people are. That is how simple it is. However, because there must be some sort of co-operation, and therefore a joint council, the CP instinctively rejects it. This is a very interesting point of view which the hon member mentioned.
My thanks yet again to the hon member Prof Olivier, who made a very balanced speech this afternoon. We thank them for their support.
Question agreed to (Official Opposition dissenting).
Bill read a second time.
The DEPUTY MINISTER OF FINANCE (Dr G Marais): Mr Chairman, I move—
That the Bill be now read a second time.
The Bill contains amendments to two Acts administered by the Financial Institutions Office, namely the Friendly Societies Act of 1956, and the Insurance Act of 1943.
The proposed amendments serve mainly to augment shortcomings in the existing Acts with a view to the better regulation of the present-day situation regarding the friendly society industry. I wish to highlight some of the amendments where the reason for the amendment is not apparent or obvious.
It is possible to deregulate the industry concerned even further because self-regulation is already functioning to a large extent in the friendly society industry and due to the exceptional interest members take in the affairs of their societies. The proposed amendment will result in friendly societies with an income of less than R100 000 per year being exempted from most of the provisions of the Act. In order to continue protecting members, the Act is also being modified so as to prescribe by way of regulation that exempted societies shall have appropriate rules and keep adequate records and that the disclosure of financial information in accordance with prescribed guidelines shall take place and be submitted to members at an annual general meeting.
“The cover and benefits offered by friendly societies to their members is basically insurance. It is therefore recommended that enabling provisions be inserted in the Act in terms of which a friendly society can be converted into a registered insurer. This will enable successful societies which have achieved a satisfactory measure of growth, and whose members so decide, to be converted from a mere friendly society into a full-fledged financial institution.
In terms of the provisions of the Insurance Act, 1943, the benefits which a friendly society may pay to a member have been limited since 1976 to a maximum annuity of R144 per annum, or in the case of the death of a member, to a lump sum of R1 000 (excluding bonuses). For several years now representations have been received to increase these benefits. In view of inflation it is proposed that these benefits be increased to a maximum annuity of R720 per annum or a lump sum of R5 000—excluding bonuses.
Mr Chairman, it is a pleasure to support this legislation on behalf of the CP. A mixed council is not being established so we are satisfied with the Bill.
We are pleased to see that the hon the Minister has adjusted certain sums of money and that he has made provision enabling friendly societies to be converted into companies. We are also satisfied that benefits which may be paid are being increased to bring them into line with current monetary values. On the other hand, we are sure that the societies which are being closed will be regulated to such an extent by the rules that there will be no danger of their members suffering losses since the legislation provides for the hon the Minister to make regulations which will enforce proper accountability and proper bookkeeping.
We take pleasure in supporting this Bill.
Mr Chairman, permit me to thank the hon member for Bethal on behalf of this side of the House for the Official Opposition’s support of this amending Bill.
The objects of the amendments to this Bill were explained clearly by the hon the Deputy Minister. They are also set out very clearly in the explanatory memorandum. As regards friendly societies, it is interesting that this is not a sector which can be ignored. We were told in the standing committee that there were 164 of these friendly societies; that they had 1,1 million members; and that these friendly societies controlled assets to the value of R147 million. This is certainly an important sector which also furnishes important services to a large part of the community. In this regard I am thinking of the well-known system of burial books, in accordance with which burial benefits are negotiated for members of such societies.
It is also important to point out that this amending Bill may be described as a deregulatory measure by which various friendly societies with an income of less than R100 000 are exempted from most of the provisions of the Act. These friendly societies can therefore function more conveniently and easily. From the Government’s point of view there will also be less trouble now as regards the control of these societies. The hon member for Cradock, who will speak after me, will elaborate on the control which will still be exercised over these societies.
I take pleasure in supporting this amending Bill as submitted here.
Mr Chairman, I do not believe it is necessary to repeat the good reasons for this legislation. We believe it is good legislation which should be supported. Among other things, and this has been stated before, it does lead to simplification through deregulation. That is to be welcomed.
We support this Bill.
Mr Chairman, on behalf of this side of the House I would like to thank the hon member for Pinelands for supporting this legislation.
*It is quite clear to me that sufficient protective measures have been incorporated in this legislation so that, whereas under Government policy, promoting the interests of the whole spectrum from the informal sector to the insurance industry, these people are now being given the opportunity of regulating themselves. If they do not wish to do this, they remain subject to regulations which the hon the Minister may make.
We see there are to be penalties of as much as six months or R1 000 if the various measures are not complied with. A member may approach an organisation and request to have the rules of the organisation, a revenue account and balance sheet and regulations which may be prescribed by the registrar, submitted to him. This may all be done at a fee set by the industry itself.
We note further that fines may be imposed if these rules are not properly adhered to. I think in the case of benefits, which are being increased almost fivefold, we are now providing for the needs of this small undertaking which can grow into a huge insurance business.
On behalf of this side of the House I take pleasure in strongly supporting this proposed legislation.
Mr Chairman, I wish to express my thanks for the support we have received from all the speakers.
There is something sentimental attached to this Bill. Some older hon members will probably remember the days of the burial books. When the Afrikaner was still poor, one came across these burial books everywhere. There was always the utmost anxiety that one would be cheated. It happened a few times too—I recall this from my childhood—that people complained that they had had burial books but, when Grandma or Aunty died, the coffin was not what they had expected at all. They had thought it would be a beautiful coffin but ultimately they had had to pay in. This very frequently caused emotions to flare up.
It is also interesting that burial books and this type of insurance also took root at the time among members of the other population groups. I now want to tell the hon member for Bethal, who said there would be no mixed councils, that I do not know whether this will be so. If one examines the smaller types of organisations one finds in that industry today, I think one’s chances are very good of finding a mixed council here and there. Many of these societies have also acquired White advisers. I think this makes such a council reasonably mixed when I consider the facts at my disposal so that hon member, by chance, actually approved of mixed councils here without being aware of it.
A further interesting aspect of the history of this type of insurance is the role many societies subsequently played. They had small beginnings and then grew and, interestingly enough, many of these firms or organisations became very big. Later we began to stifle part of the informal economy we had here with rules and regulations. One need only recall that a person had to apply for registration if one’s turnover exceeded R1 000. To obtain the registration, hundreds of requirements had to be complied with. This is a typical example of how we wished to develop a Byzantine system and tried to apply rules and regulations everywhere. As matters appear now, I wonder whether R100 000 is still not too little. What is R100 000 worth today in any case? I consider it a good beginning, however, because they are now being exempted from quite a number of these regulations. I think that is a good beginning, but hon members mentioned the problem of control.
If one thinks back to one’s childhood and recalls the cheating concerning burial books, it is interesting when it emerges from evidence before us how self-regulatory these small undertakings are. Members all take a personal interest in the undertaking in which they have a share and a book. The part played by members themselves is really very important as they have a personal interest in it.
We are not suggesting in any way that there should no longer be any control. They are still required to submit financial reports, to have a system of bookkeeping and to hold annual general meetings. In the past these annual general meetings served to bring all members together.
I am very grateful to hon members for their support of this Bill. If we are able to deregulate more and get some of the smaller businesses away from the State’s Byzantine methods, the informal sector in South Africa will develop rapidly.
Question agreed to.
Bill read a second time.
Mr Chairman, I move:
Agreed to.
The House adjourned at
Mr SPEAKER laid upon the Table:
- (1) Civil Protection Amendment Bill [B 61—88 (GA)]—(Standing Committee on Constitutional Development).
- (2) Excision of Released Areas Bill [B 62—88 (GA)]—(Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and Development Aid).
Mr B GROBBLER, as Chairman, presented the Seventh Report of the Standing Select Committee on Trade and Industry, dated 16 March 1988, as follows:
Bill to be read a second time.
Mr Chairman, today is a day of great historical importance to South Africa and I wish to make a statement on behalf of this House.
†This House joins with millions of South Africans as Sharpeville 21 March 1960 is commemorated. Never before had so much harm been done as a result of the merciless killing of people protesting peacefully against the unjust pass laws.
It is also remembered for the loss of one of South Africa’s greatest sons, Robert Sobukwe, who, as a result of the events at Sharpeville, was incarcerated for the greater part of his life on Robben Island even though special legislation had to be passed by Parliament every year to keep him there.
March 21, 1985, recalls from our memory the uncalled for and vicious killing of persons young and old at Langa in Uitenhage. South Africa lost and apartheid survived. Our presence here must be seen as a dedication to the ideals that these people died for.
Mr Chairman, I move:
As hon members are well aware, the Administration: House of Representatives must annually draw up an appropriation in accordance with which funds are allocated. Although the needs of the community are unlimited, the means and resources available to the Exchequer are restricted. It is therefore important that the executive authority have at its disposal a budget system which will enable it to make realistic decisions on the allocation of funds to the various departments within the restriction of available means and on the basis of merit and policy priorities. To achieve this, the broader aims and objectives of the various departments must be identified and these policy objectives must be highlighted with a view to allocating available funds.
The object of the Appropriation Bill before this House is to appropriate funds totalling R2 341 436 000 for the own affairs of the Administration: House of Representatives. The funds are required to finance the expenditure for the full financial year 1988-89 in respect of the four departments incorporated in this administration, as well as improvements in conditions of service. The details of the aforesaid amount are contained in the printed estimates tabled by me today.
The largest amount provided for in the budget is that of R1 108 154 000 for education and culture on which the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council will address the House in more detail. Hon members will note that an increase of 9,74%, in comparison with the 1987-88 Main Appropriation which amounted to R1 009 731 000, has been granted as far as education and culture is concerned.
The department envisages providing for the following services during the coming financial year:
- (i) Primary education: The erection of 14 new primary schools, three new hostels as well as extensions to five existing schools.
- (ii) Secondary education: The erection of 17 new secondary schools, seven new hostels as well as four school halls.
- (iii) For technical education new campuses are envisaged for the Training Centre for Seamen as well as the Athlone and Bethelsdorp Technical Colleges.
- (iv) Extensions to several teachers’ training colleges are also planned.
- (v) Under the subprogramme “Handicapped children”, the following services will be provided:
- (a) The subsidisation of one new training centre for mentally handicapped children at Vredenburg;
- (b) the erection of a satellite school for the cerebral palsied at Mitchell’s Plain;
- (c) one hostel for the physically handicapped at St Raphael School; and
- (d) the erection of three new building complexes at established training centres, namely Daydawn, Beacon and Oasis.
Another very important aspect which at the moment is receiving high priority within the Ministers’ Council, is the development and advancement of culture. Hon members will ascertain from the printed estimates tabled by me today that an amount of R4 785 000 is allocated for this purpose in the 1988-89 financial year. This represents an increase of 121,32% against the amount allocated for this purpose in the 1987-88 financial year.
Since the inception of this Administration, the cultural section of this department has focused on promoting activities such as ballet, drama, music, the youth, sport, family living and home-making.
This has been achieved by means of: Ballet choreography and orientation courses as well as productions; courses in drama, choir training and puppetry; leadership courses for secondary school pupils; annual choir and drama festivals; and grants-in-aid made available to cultural, sports and other organisations.
To be more specific one need only look at the achievements of members of the community. The activities of the cultural section have played an important part in the development of people such as Shaleen Surtie-Richards, Roysten Stoffels, Paul Jacobs, Duncan Johnson, Natalia da Rocha and Goliath Davids who started their careers as amateurs at the Department of Education and Culture and are now regarded as respected professionals.
More financial aid and moral support by the Department of Education and Culture is essential in order to eliminate the great backlog with regard to facilities and manpower that has built up during the past years. There is, therefore, an urgent need for positive youth, community and cultural leaders to promote good discipline, responsibility, a more dynamic sense of cultural involvement, self-enrichment programmes and a greater awareness of nature conservation in society.
*In respect of Budgetary and Auxiliary Services hon members will note that an amount of R49 388 000 is being requested to defray expenditure during the 1988-89 budget year. This amount shows an increase of 81,31% compared with the budget of the 1987-88 financial year, which totalled R27 239 000. The sharp percentage increase here may be ascribed mainly to the fact that the provision for transport schemes now falls under my Vote, whereas in the past it was the responsibility of the Minister of Education and Culture. In addition my department also has to render specific managerial and auxiliary services functions for the Administration: House of Representatives, handle financial administration and provide staff to perform the various functions.
Services of high-standing quality to the community depend to a great extent on the quality and level of training of the staff and that is why training and development are receiving high priority. The Administration has a well-equipped training centre where people attending courses not only receive training in respect of theoretical principles, but are also afforded an opportunity to apply their newly acquired knowledge in practice. In this way we are endeavouring to improve the results of training in the work situation.
Attention is also being given to the academic training of the staff and in 1987 financial assistance totalling R87 698 was given to 308 officials to enable them to improve their academic qualifications.
Study loans totalling R49 092 and bursaries totalling R2 235 832 were allocated to 530 full-time students.
As regards security services which concentrate on promoting security and the rendering of guard services at the respective offices and organisations of the Administration, mention can be made of the fact that these services have been introduced at 636 primary and secondary schools as well as 76 other institutions throughout the country.
In those areas which are plagued by unrest, robbery and crime and where the Administration cannot render an adequate service, private security firms are used to render guard services. Such services are at present being rendered at 185 schools in the Peninsula at a cost of R2 473 080 per year. Training of security assistants takes place on a regular basis. A formal basic course lasting three weeks is offered at the division’s training centre. Once this course has been successfully completed, an advanced course is offered in which security aspects are concentrated on more intensively. In 1987 606 officials attended the basic course and the pass rate was 92%. The advanced course was attended by 140 security assistants of whom 74% were successful.
The role of the civil servant in the Administration: House of Representatives has been subjected to close scrutiny since the present dispensation came into operation. Time and again the promotion opportunities of White and Coloured civil servants in the Administration, in particular, have been the target of critics who are indirectly questioning the working efficiency of the Administration. The Ministers’ Council is committed to promoting the prosperity and future of Coloured officials in the Public Service, in particular. However, it is also important to look after the interests of White, Indian and Black officials, who are also working for the Administration. The Ministers’ Council under the chairmanship of Rev Allan Hendrickse has also spelt out clearly time and again that a witch-hunt will not be started against White, Indian and Black officials in the Administration simply on the basis of their colour.
The Administration consists of officials transferred to it from other Government departments when the dispensation took shape in 1984. Many of these officials are White and it would be unfair to them if restrictions were placed on their promotion while their colleagues who remained behind in general affairs departments did not experience any impediment to their promotion.
When members of population groups other than the Coloured community enter the service of the Administration, they therefore enjoy the same privileges as a person from the Coloured community. This means that Whites, Indians and Blacks compete on an equal footing with all officials for promotion.
As regards criticism that senior posts in the Administration are held only by Whites, it should be mentioned that in the filling of posts by serving officials, the merit principle is of cardinal importance. The candidature of officials is considered on the basis of their seniority and promotability.
Posts are only advertised when merit and/or preference lists have been exhausted, or when specific specialised experience or qualifications are required for a specific post. When considering the candidature of applicants from outside the Administration, preference is given to candidates from the Coloured community. When candidates other than Coloured candidates have to be appointed, the approval of the Ministers’ Council must be obtained first.
The dilemma in which the Administration finds itself concerns the availability of qualified Coloured officials for the top posts. The fact that there is a big shortage of Coloured officials for these posts is admitted, but the present Administration cannot be blamed for this.
In order to counteract this tendency, the Administration is adopting a policy of “upward mobility”. This means that we are trying to fill top posts with officials in our Administration. Only in absolutely essential cases officials are drawn from other Government departments. In this way the Ministers’ Council is ensuring that there is an upward promotion programme, which only benefits the officials in our Administration.
As proof of this I can mention that between 1985 and the end of 1987 a total of 3 598 appointments was made in the Administration. Of these appointments 3 412 were Coloured officials and 186 were White officials. In the same period no fewer than 1 324 officials were promoted, of whom 1 027 were Coloured and only 297 were White officials. In this period there were 266 merit promotions, which benefited 192 Coloured and 74 White officials.
When the Administration came into existence the highest post held by a Coloured official in the administrative section was that of assistant director, whereas at present the Administrator has Coloured officials holding the following senior posts: One director, 13 deputy directors and 29 assistant directors.
I must also point out that the top echelon of management in the Department of Education and Culture is manned entirely by Coloured officials. In the Department of Health Services and Welfare a Coloured official also holds the post of director, while in all other departments one also comes across senior Coloured officials.
It is therefore of great importance for the critics who are indirectly questioning the working efficiency of the Administration to acquaint themselves with the above facts first. To put it in a nutshell: There is no discrimination based on colour in the Administration, and all officials are treated on an equal footing.
†During this session of Parliament certain hon members in this House referred to the acquisition of the computer and the efficient utilization thereof. As hon members well know, strategic decision-making is dependent on accurate and timely information. In order to achieve this aim, the following has already crystallised:
- — An office automation system implemented at the Ministers’ Council which is to be expanded to include heads of departments. This system promotes effective communication between parties concerned by providing functions such as an electronic diary, an electronic mail service, document description, extractions from a data base, as well as file extractions.
- — A variety of micro-based computer systems at the Department of Local Government, Housing and Agriculture which will be networked at a later stage and which include systems such as a cash flow, computer-aided designs for architects and engineers, a project design package, as well as office automation.
- — A real-time on-line salary system has been implemented during July 1987 to cut the turnaround time from receipt of source documents to payments from weeks to a few days. This payroll serves 50 000 officials and teachers countrywide. Personnel records are now assessed on-line by the staff and finance components.
- — Streamlining the computerised procedures of the examination system of the Department of Education and Culture led to the results of both the Senior Certificate and teacher examinations being published before Christmas for the second year running.
- — An investigation into redeveloping a pensions system of 20 years’ standing. This system is responsible for the monthly payment of approximately 240 000 pensioners. The nonsupport system has also been investigated. Specifications for a new system have been drawn up and redevelopment is scheduled to commence soon.
- — Computerisation has taken place at the Kromme Rhee Agricultural College where computer-aided courses are now available. A computerised student administration system has been developed to cater for the registration of 800 students.
- — The bursary section of the Department of Education and Culture has taken into use a system to administer bursaries and loans. This system is functioning well.
- — A mail control system was developed for both the Departments of Budgetary and Auxiliary Services and Education and Culture and provides a computerised means for the tracking of thousands of letters and documents handled annually.
- — At regional level, equipment has been provided to enhance financial management. Installation has been completed and the system is functioning satisfactorily.
Although all posts at programmer level are filled, the problem of acquiring suitably qualified chief and control programmers still exists.
*Hon members will notice that an amount of R429 408 000 is being requested for the Department of Local Government, Housing and Agriculture which is an increase of 9,1% compared with the R393 598 000 voted in the 1987-88 financial year. My colleague, the hon the Minister of Local Government, Housing and Agriculture will go into more detail in this connection when his Vote is discussed. However, it must be pointed out that in order to meet the steadily increasing needs of the general community in the field of housing, and in particular as regards agriculture, it is of cardinal importance that greater momentum be given—along with the necessary funds—to encouraging home-ownership and self-help housing in every town and city throughout the country. In addition training, extension and financial assistance to the farmer in the rural areas will have to be stepped up. These important components of our community—the home and agriculture in addition to the church and education—are extremely important foundations in our endeavour to increase the quality of life of our community.
Great emphasis is placed by the Ministers’ Council on the promotion of agriculture in order to ensure a decent livelihood for the community in the rural areas. In order to achieve these objectives we are considering the upgrading and improvement of town planning, infrastructures and the allocation of freehold on an ongoing basis. Since the 1985-86 Budget we have also seen to it that the agriculture budget has increased by approximately 300% from R7 million to R20 million for the 1987-88 Budget. The amount voted in the 1988-89 financial year for the development of the rural areas still remains inadequate, particularly against the background of the great development needs and expectations of the communities in these areas. This aspect, namely the lack of adequate funds, is receiving the constant attention of the Ministers’ Council and me, however.
An amount of R735 927 000 is being voted for Health Services and Welfare. The hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare will inform hon members on this in more detail when his Vote is discussed. For the information of hon members I can mention that there is an increase of 33,85% in this Vote for 1988-89, compared with the amount of R549 787 000 in the 1987-88 financial year.
As hon members know, backlogs have built up specifically as regards pensions and allowances. This House was well aware of this and in order to improve the quality of life of our people at this level, deliberate efforts were made to eliminate the backlogs. For example, by means of representations and negotiations at the highest level we have succeeded since the introduction of the new dispensation in getting pensions and allowances increased as in the case of pensions to the blind and old age pensions from R103,00 per month to R167.00 per month, which represents an increase of 62,13%. As regards disability and maintenance allowances there has been a percentage increase of 57,28% and as regards veterans’ pensions we have succeeded in achieving parity, which represents an increase of 110,85%.
From the above statistics hon members will deduce that the Ministers’ Council is constantly endeavouring to serve our community at all times. If one also takes into consideration that since the Ministers’ Council itself has been negotiating for funds since the 1985-86 financial year, there has been an increase of 72,36% in the 1988-89 financial year’s Main Budget compared with the amount voted in the 1985-86 financial year, this is further proof that the Ministers’ Council is serious about negotiating for adequate funds to promote the upliftment of our community in the socio-economic and welfare spheres quickly and effectively.
As regards the economic situation, there are encouraging trends. In the last three months of 1987 the production price index was 9,2% for example, whereas the real growth rate reached 2,6%. Reserves grew to R8 billion in total. I think this is a wonderful achievement in the midst of the economic penalties being imposed on the country. What is particularly encouraging is the low production price index, and this should encourage undertakings to greater activity so that the economy can develop further. In this connection I am thinking in particular of the informal business sector which to a great extent is still underdeveloped and which affords so many opportunities to the small businessman.
The hon the Minister of Finance has already intimated that the Government is going to adopt a circumspect fiscal and monetary policy this year. He referred, inter alia, to overexpenditure by the State during the past few years and said that this was necessary to help stimulate the economy. However the stage has now been reached where the State must reduce its share in order to afford the private sector the opportunity to grow and develop.
Guidelines for this were dealt with by the State President in his speech during the opening of this session of Parliament and the public sector in particular will have to undertake its planning for the foreseeable future accordingly.
In conclusion I should like to thank the officials of the Department of Budgetary and Auxiliary Services for their dedicated and unselfish service during the past financial year. The considerable expansion of the activities and functions of the Administration: House of Representatives placed great pressure on the senior staff in particular. I want to thank them, and particularly the Director-General, Mr McEnery, for their enthusiasm and dedication.
Mr Chairman, I now lay upon the Table:
- (a) Estimate of Revenue and Estimate of Expenditure of the Administration: House of Representatives for the financial year ending 31 March 1989 [RP 9—88].
- (b) Explanatory memorandum on the Estimate of Expenditure, 1988-89, of the Administration: House of Representatives.
Mr Chairman, I move:
Agreed to.
Introductory speech delivered in House of Assembly (see col 4285), and tabled in House of Representatives.
Mr Chairman, I move:
Mr Chairman, I listened with a keen ear to what the hon the Deputy Minister had to say, and I must agree with him that this Bill certainly affords people an opportunity they did not have before. I must say, however, that it is a sad indictment of governments of the past that Black people in this country were denied the right to acquire property in the areas situated within the Republic but outside their respective homelands.
I should like to spend just a moment on this point. In any country the ownership of land, of individual erven, is not a privilege. Nor is it a concession which should be withheld from one and then given back to one on a staggered basis under the guise of incremental change. Rather, land ownership is the right of any citizen bom in a particular country—it is his birthright, as the hon member for Esselen Park so rightly said.
Therefore, while I agree with the hon the Deputy Minister that every hurdle in the way of Black property ownership should be removed, I would also contend that we should not make this move appear to be a tremendous handout to Black people. I maintain, Sir, that it is the right of every citizen of this country to own property in this country if he so desires.
I should like to recap on what has happened as far as Black property rights in this country are concerned. For all the years, until 1986, owing to various forms of red tape created by governments of the past, Black people simply did not have this right. Change came during 1986 when the rights in terms of section 10 were altered to a certain extent. This, it was found, afforded Black people only the right of leasehold. It was also with a sense of tremendous relief, therefore, that people welcomed a total scrapping of influx control last year. Certainly, that was one move the Government of today could be lauded for. The existence of influx control could never be justified, and many people suffered for their political expression of opposition to influx control. That, then, was the main stumbling block in the way of black ownership in this country. The scrapping of influx control was, therefore, a milestone in the constitutional development of this country.
The red tape that existed after the formal scrapping of influx control, and which still exists today, must be removed. Therefore, we cannot withhold our support for this Bill. In fact, we have to compliment the Cabinet for having brought forward this amendment to the Act.
I should like to repeat up to a point what the hon the Deputy Minister said. He mentioned that certain problems still make it difficult for people to acquire ownership of individual erven in areas which were established as townships in terms of the Black Communities Development Act of 1984.
The major problem is that whenever a redistribution of the land of the country, of the wealth of the country, takes place, it is usually by means of the conversion of a farm which has been under White ownership and which has been set aside for township development.
It is with township development that the problem comes in. One cannot simply take a farm, baptize it a township and start selling individual erven. It is obvious that things are not that simple. As the hon the Deputy Minister said, there are many problems associated with the conversion of a farm into a township with individual erven where title has to be transferred to individuals or groups of people. I agree with the hon the Deputy Minister that this lengthy process must be eliminated, especially in view of the fact that Black people were always denied the right to own property. Every hurdle and stumbling block in their way must be removed and if we can cut red tape in this country, we must definitely do so.
In respect of this matter, red tape is being cut in that the hon the Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning is being given the right to take certain initiatives concerning township development. These initiatives involve the following. As I indicated earlier, taking a farm and changing it into a township is a lengthy process and involves a lot of red tape. The initiative I referred to is that the hon the Minister is now at liberty simply to open township registers without having to cut through any of the red tape which was previously an obstacle. This means that one does not have to wait for an area which is being developed as a township to be renamed from some farm name or to have legislation converted to a township legislation of a different kind. The hon the Minister now has the right simply to open a township register, to have the land cut up and to extend individual ownership of the land to prospective buyers. The hon the Minister is also allowed to deal with all those irksome conditions of title which previously stood in the way of the expediting of legislation relating to these individual erven.
I cannot but respond to what the hon the Deputy Minister said about the reform process. He said that this was a case in point where the Government was revealing its reform measures. However, we are of the opinion—with due respect— that reform is at a standstill. We want to see much more reform and at a far greater pace than is presently the case. One cannot justify having immoral Acts on the Statute Books and changing them in an incremental manner, or by changing them piecemeal. I am referring particularly to the Group Areas Act. One cannot simply tinker with that Act, modify it here, change it a little there. The Act must be repealed in its entirety. Only then can we believe that reform is taking place. How else does one justify the fact that there is more than 750 000 ha of land which has been proclaimed White residential group areas in this country, whereas in the case of so-called Coloured people there are just 101 000 ha of land proclaimed Coloured group areas across the country? I need not go into more detail, as I am sure hon members are familiar with these facts. The fact is that one cannot justify making slight changes or slight modifications to an Act which still allows for such discrepancies in practical, day to day life.
It must go!
Sir, for this reason we have no hesitation in saying, as the hon member for Klipspruit West said, that it must go and that it must go now. Apart from these comments, I have no reservations about supporting this Bill.
Mr Chairman, at the start of my speech I should like to congratulate the hon the Minister on his appointment as the Minister of Health Services in the House of Assembly. I hope that the hon the Minister’s departure from the Department of Constitutional Development and Planning is a possible indication that we shall soon be rid of the Group Areas Act as well.
The Black Communities Development Amendment Bill amends the Black Communities Development Act, 1984, in order to streamline the operation of certain measures. Clause 1 of the amending Bill amends subsection (1) of the principal Act so that the definition of “magistrate” also includes an additional magistrate or an assistant magistrate.
Clause 2 of the amending Bill amends section 33 of the principal Act to provide for further development areas in townships for Black accommodation. I welcome this measure, Sir, because if one views the current state of affairs in South Africa, it is very clear to my mind that serious problems will arise in this sphere if an overall planning body is not created to deal with the co-ordination of urban development in the future. At present the shortage of residential units for Blacks alone runs to half a million in urban areas. This indicates that in the future, as at present, there will be a considerable need for further identification of land in urban areas for housing purposes and the development of industrial and business centres.
I now want to ask the hon the Deputy Minister something. I actually regret that the hon the Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning cannot be here today. About a year ago an amending Bill on constitutional legislation was passed in which provision was made for the enlargement of the Commission for Co-operation and Development to include members of the other two Houses of Parliament as well. At present the commission’s task is to identify land for the consolidation of the national states. I think it would be a step in the right direction if this commission could be reconstituted to include members of Parliament who can become involved in the activities of a body which will pay attention in future to the expansion of existing cities and townships instead of the consolidation of the homelands. I should like the hon the Minister to ensure that the relevant section is applied because I cannot see for what other reason it has been included in the Act.
All indications are that members of Parliament should also in future be involved in a body which can advise the hon the State President and the hon the Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning on future urban development so that a national strategy may be developed in this regard.
Subparagraph 3 (b) of the Bill is retrospective in effect. It restores mineral rights in cases where township establishment has already taken place in terms of the Mining Rights Act, Act No 20 of 1967. Clause 4 empowers the Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning to open registers in respect of specific townships. Clause 5 provides that the Minister may in future alter the boundaries of development areas as he deems fit. This is probably a positive step in the right direction as well.
Clause 6 is also retrospective in effect. It amends section 52 of the principal Act and provides that the Administrator and the local authorities concerned may grant leasehold to individuals in the Black community. This is a very positive step, Sir. Over the past two years the Government has done a great deal to rectify mistakes committed in the past. The Influx Control Act has been deleted for example. For the first time in the history of this country it is now possible for a Black citizen of South Africa to acquire full leasehold rights in this country. In practice, however, the acquisition of property rights appears to be a very cumbersome First World process. Consequently I welcome clauses 6, 7 and 8 too, in that they facilitate the acquisition of property rights and make steps which have to be followed as regards township establishment less cumbersome.
Under subsection 8(1) the Administrator may delegate powers vested in him in terms of this amending Bill to Black MECs. In the light of this I think that important reform is taking place in this sphere. I wish to point out once again, however—this is probably the last time I shall have the opportunity of pointing this out to this hon Deputy Minister—that while the Group Areas Act remains on the Statute Book, all these measures, although positive, are merely a drop in the ocean with a view to solving the problems of South Africa as regards housing and welfare. The extent of our deregulation does not matter; while the Government is vested in a rich minority class and co-ordinates from the top who is to obtain which patch of land—the best land has already been apportioned to Whites—South Africa will have problems with poverty.
Prosperity can only be created by means of land. One cannot start a business in the air; one cannot produce agricultural products in the air; one requires land to do this. That is why the system in South Africa is so unjust, because only a small group of people have the monopoly and entire say regarding land.
I cannot see why our people have to be accommodated 35 km outside Cape Town. Why should Khayelitsha be established 35 km outside Cape Town while there is sufficient land in the central part of the city? These places are near the city where many of our people work. At the moment these areas have been reserved for the erection of White housing until 2020.
The Group Areas Act not only creates a social problem for us; it also creates economic problems; and is an obstacle to urban development. I recently held discussions with members of the private sector. They have endless problems regarding their rising Black management material. They cannot send these people to certain small towns because no housing is available for them. One cannot expect a Black manager to live in a squatters’ camp. Many people from the Coloured and Indian communities refuse to accept managerial posts in smaller towns because there is no satisfactory housing available for them.
If one examines the demography of this country, it is very clear that the future of South African business development does not lie in the hands of Whites, because they are a dwindling commodity. The expansion of the economy will be possible only if more management material can be drawn from the Black, Coloured and Indian middle classes. Consequently it is not only a matter of a social problem; nor is it a matter of having to live next door to a White person. The point at issue is an entire development strategy which will ensure that we shall still be able to live in this country 20 years from now.
Mr Chairman, I want to thank the hon member for Wentworth and the hon member Mr Lockey for their contribution to this debate and for their support of this legislation.
The hon member for Wentworth made two points. Firstly, he said that the red tape in this country had to be cut. Secondly, he asked that the lengthy processes be removed. I fully agree with the hon member. The Government is, in fact, trying to do that. I think, however, all hon members will agree that this should be done with great responsibility, for we have to ensure that we have order, and not chaos, in the whole country.
The hon member for Wentworth said we should not refer to this Bill as a reform measure, as it is the right of any person to own property. Reform refers—I think the hon member will agree with me—to all fields in society. There is political reform, ie to confer political rights. There is also social and economic reform, ie to confer rights such as property rights. Property rights are as important in the economic sphere as political rights are in the constitutional sphere. This Act will restore the right of Black people also to own their own property.
*I want to thank the hon member Mr Lockey for his congratulations. I do not know whether it will be easier in one department than another. I think administration always remains a difficult task. The experience I have acquired over the years has taught me that it is no easy task to work with people, but I am looking forward to the new portfolio. I want to thank the hon member again for his congratulations.
The hon member referred to co-ordination as regards urbanisation as well as related problems. We are thoroughly aware of this and something is being done about it. A committee has already been formed to see to this.
I wish to assure the hon member that what he said here is of very great importance. The hon member also referred to the Commission for Cooperation and Development. This commission is in the process of concluding its task regarding consolidation. It has practically done so and the further task of the commission now has to be investigated. It will then be possible to apply a positive spirit and attitude to the way in which this commission may be involved and used.
I want to agree with the hon member that land as well as a dwelling is very important to all people. Land plays a most important part, especially in South Africa. It is not always an easy task to identify land for residential areas because—as I said in a previous debate—all land is not always suitable for residential purposes. We also have enormous tracts in South Africa where one cannot settle people because there are no industries to create employment opportunities. Consequently we have a limited amount of land surrounding our cities and metropolitan areas where people are concentrated so it is difficult to find areas where people may live happily.
I agree with the hon member that a house or dwelling is of the utmost importance. The hon member Mr Lockey and the hon member for Wentworth both referred to the Group Areas Act. I have frequently discussed this Act in this House and there may be an opportunity in the second half of the session to discuss it again, therefore I shall not revert to the Group Areas Act today.
I wish to underline, however, that land and the identification and availability of land and dwellings for all people in this country can and must make a very great contribution to the peace and prosperity of our beautiful country. This is precisely what we intend with this legislation so that members of Black communities may settle in their own property too. Nevertheless I recognise the principle—this has always been the case— that if a person owns something, he is prepared to protect it at all costs. He then appreciates and wishes to cherish it. I believe this Bill will result in this as well.
I want to thank the hon member Mr Lockey for the positive contribution—as it was conveyed to me—that he made in the standing committee as regards this legislation. I also thank the House for its support.
Question agreed to.
Bill read a second time.
Mr Chairman, I move:
We have before us today a Bill that amends a wide range of Acts in the constitutional sphere. The Bill affects all three levels of government, viz central, provincial and local government, and is chiefly directed at minor adaptations and rationalisation to enable the machinery of government to run more smoothly. Some clauses embody only technical amendments such as the substitution of outdated terminology.
Mr Chairman, in order to assist members, related clauses will be arranged together and dealt with in this way.
Clauses 3 and 10 relate to municipal elections. Clause 3 amends section 8(l)(c) of the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982, which deals with the qualifications of voters. This section still referred to the well-known requirements in section 10 of the repealed Blacks (Urban Areas) Consolidation Act, 1945. This outdated reference, which was abolished when influx control was abolished, is now deleted.
The requirement that a prospective voter be resident within the area of the local authority concerned for at least 12 months, is shortened to three months. Alternatively a voter must be the owner of immovable property in the area of that local authority. This consequential amendment was necessitated by the granting of ownership to Black people. Ownership for Black people is also addressed in another Bill which has just been before Parliament.
Clause 10 amends section 7 of Act 104 of 1985 in terms of which it is already laid down that general municipal elections will be held during October this year. The definition of “Administrator” is amended to provide that the Minister of Constitutional Development and Planning must also be consulted where Black local authorities are involved.
The definitions of “local government body” and “appropriate electoral law” are further amended to include a local authority and an electoral law as defined in the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982, since general elections in October are also envisaged for the approximately 240 local authorities established under that Act.
A “local council” established in terms of section 2 of the Local Councils Act (House of Assembly), 1987, is excluded from the definition of “local government body” for the purpose of general elections for local government bodies. This is necessary since local councils shall be established mainly for small coastal towns. A large percentage of owners of immovable property in these towns, who will qualify to vote, are only resident in the town during holiday periods, however. This amendment makes it possible for municipal elections to be held in these towns on a date other than in October 1988, during December for example. This will give as many voters as possible an opportunity to vote.
Clauses 2, 4 and 5 amend the Black Local Authorities Act, 1982. The amendment in clause 2 is necessary to ensure that the kind of city council which was known as a “town council” and existed before the amendment by the Black Local Authorities Amendment Act, Act 58 of 1986, continues to exist. The amendment is also made retrospective to the date on which the amending Act of 1986 came into operation, viz 25 June 1986. Fundamentally this clause provides only for the continued existence of certain town councils which were renamed “city councils” in the English text.
The amendments to clause 4 arise from the fact that legislative recognition was given to the fact that the six self-governing territories are in substance regional governments. In terms of the Representation between the Republic of South Africa and the Self-Governing Territories Act, 1959, which was amended during 1987 to confirm the elevated status of the regional governments, arrangements are made for orderly intergovernmental relations. Another Bill which will grant an even greater measure of autonomy to the self-governing territories is before the standing committee at the moment.
†Clause 5 amends the provision which makes it possible for the Administrator and a provincial secretary to delegate certain general powers of control over local authorities. Since 1986 the Executive Committees of the provincial governments have functioned according to a committee system and the amendments accommodate the new procedure. Due to the multiracial constitution of the membership of the Executive Committees, this will in most cases result in Black MEC’s being granted decision-making powers in the control over local authorities for members of their communities.
Clauses 6, 7 and 8 effect amendments which arise from the creation of regional services councils. Clause 6 amends the Promotion of Local Government Affairs Act, Act 91 of 1983, by correcting the spelling of “streeksdiensteraad” in the Afrikaans text, and also inserts a definition of “regional services council”.
Clauses 7 and 8 provide for the representation of three representatives of regional services councils on the Co-ordinating Council for Local Government Affairs and its action committee.
Clause 9 is directed at the elimination of unnecessary duplication of work by the officials of a provincial administration and the secretary of the Demarcation Board for Local Authorities. Where the provincial administrations have already placed an advertisement with regard to altering the boundaries of a local authority, the Demarcation Board will not be required to publish the application again, but only to make known by publication where and when the application shall be heard.
The Demarcation Board, with Mr Justice A P Myburgh as chairman and Mr Jimmy van der Merwe as vice-chairman, has, in the three years of its existence, already done valuable work in investigating the demarcation of the regions for regional services councils and the areas of jurisdiction of local authorities.
Clauses 11, 12 and 13 amend the Provincial Government Act of 1986, which introduced the new provincial system with effect from 1 July 1986.
The functions which have to be undertaken by a committee of Parliament in terms of section 5 of the Provincial Government Act of 1986, deal with the subdivision etcetera of provinces. These functions will inevitably be performed rarely and a standing committee will not be necessary. An ad hoc joint committee may thus be appointed to perform these functions as the need arises.
In clause 11 it is thus envisaged to substitute the words “joint committee” for “standing committee” in section 5 of the Provincial Government Act of 1986.
On the other hand, the functions which must be performed by the provincial standing committees are of a more continuous nature. What is dealt with here is the approval of all the Administrator’s proclamations through which ordinances may be amended or repealed. These functions will have to be performed on a continuous basis, possibly in the respective provincial capitals when Parliament is not in session. As a result, a standing committee would be necessary and not a joint committee.
In clause 12 it is thus envisaged to substitute the words “standing committee” for “joint committee” in section 14 of the Provincial Government Act of 1986.
Section 15(1) of the Provincial Government Act of 1986 provides that the State President may assign the administration of any law from a Minister to an Administrator. This has already been done in the case of certain Acts, such as the Black Local Authorities Act of 1982. The need sometimes exists, however, to reassign to a Minister the administration of an Act, or certain provisions thereof, which has been assigned to an Administrator. At the moment section 15 of the Act does not provide for this. This clause rectifies the matter.
Clause 13 also contains provisions which extend the Administrator’s power to delegate powers which have thus been assigned to him. In order to eliminate unnecessary duplication, the amendment empowers a Minister to make use of the Administrator of a province to perform functions on behalf of the Minister on an agency basis.
Finally I refer to clause 1 which brings outdated terminology in the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act of 1951 up to date. The Government envisages bringing encompassing amendments to this Act before Parliament after the Easter recess in order to eliminate existing deficiencies.
Mr Chairman, constitutional reform is a long, continuous and sometimes tedious process. It is not accomplished by only one action or major wide-ranging actions, but also by minor adaptations as contained in this Bill. Each of the steps, however small when viewed in isolation, is still part of a sweeping process of reform which has as its goal the formation of structures to meet the changing needs of all the inhabitants of South Africa.
Mr Chairman, the hon the Deputy Minister has quite adequately explained the need for the various amendments to the various clauses encapsulated in this Bill. I will not deal with the items one by one since they are fairly straightforward and have been explained very well by the hon the Deputy Minister.
However, I would like to point out that in the long time we sat and on the number of occasions we met on this particular Bill, we had difficulty with the clause whereby section 55 of the Black Local Authorities Act of 1982 is amended to such an extent that a holder of public office may delegate authority to a State official. In other words, he could even be an officer in a town council.
We had difficulty with that; but in the end, after a lot of discussion, we were half-convinced that it would be in order to let that one go through. I find it necessary to comment only on that particular clause.
There are also a few other things on which I should like to comment. At this stage I should like to compliment the hon the Deputy Minister on his appointment to his new post. I believe this appointment comes into effect on 1 April. The hon the Deputy Minister still has 10 days, therefore, to get into the history books by scrapping the Act for which he has become so famous in this House. I must say that the hon the Deputy Minister has become closely associated with that Act and it would be a tremendous gesture on his part if he were to do something very dramatic in connection with it before he takes up his new appointment.
I should like to point out something else in connection with the Bill before us. As I said a few minutes ago, we sat for a long time on this Bill. The committee met several times and hard words were spoken across the table at times. I find it necessary to reveal at this point that I am finding it a tremendous experience to serve on this particular committee. The reason I say this is that the hon member for Mossel Bay in the House of Assembly always makes every effort for consensus to be reached in the standing committee; it would be remiss of us not to mention that and to have it recorded. He never rushes matters or tries to force things through despite the deliberations of the committee. There has at all times been a deliberate attempt on his part to hear every single argument and to bring the deliberations to a close by the reaching of consensus. For these reasons I felt I had to mention it. I think all of us agree that the standing committee component of this wonky tricameral system is the only attractive feature of the system that we can detect. It is to the credit of the hon member for Mossel Bay as well as Mr Len Dekker and Mr Wolmarans that this standing committee is able to operate the way it does.
When one looks at the track record of this standing committee, one can see that after it has finalised its deliberations on a Bill, that Bill has been changed substantially. When one looks at the number of amendments to the various clauses of this particular Bill, for instance, one can see how much work has been done by this standing committee and how much argument has been taking place at the committee meetings.
Then, Sir, I should like to refer to something less closely related to the Bill. Democratic systems are always subject to change. It does not matter whether the democratic system is the one that was used in the USA in 1888 or whether it is the one being used in 1988. Nor does it matter whether it is the type of system used in Britain or in South Africa. If it is a democratic system, it will always be subject to change. This country’s system is not the only one that requires change. That is why there is such a thing as political participation in every democratic country. That, too, is why in democratic countries ordinary people rise up in the ranks and participate in the call for change to an existing system. I repeat, this country’s system is not the only one which requires change. For this reason there is no need for us to be afraid of changing this system. This is the appeal I am directing at this hon Deputy Minister. When he takes up his new appointment— after he has vacated his present portfolio, of course, and had the Group Areas Act scrapped— let him not be afraid to effect changes in that position as well, because the entire system will always be subject to change, as it is a democratic system. Were it not so, this country would be totalitarian; or there would be some sort of elitest clique running the country—and that, of course, is the type of system that no one in this country would like to have.
Having said those few words, Sir, I should like to round off by simply expressing our full support for this Bill.
Mr Chairman, I want to refer briefly to the Official Opposition in this House. The LP’s motto in this House is: The sun is rising, get out of bed, but it appears that the Official Opposition believes: The sun is rising, hide your head. The opposition members in this House are conspicuous by their absence and when the amending Bill under discussion was finally agreed to by the standing committee on 19 February this year, the hon the Leader of the Official Opposition, who also serves on the standing committee, was absent. I am very concerned about the contribution made by the Official Opposition in the standing committees. They are absent most of the time because they are fighting by-elections in order to take part in a system which they say they do not support. The contrary is proved, however, by the eagerness with which they take part in by-elections.
The Constitution Laws Amendment Bill was tabled last year as the second Constitution Laws Amendment Bill. This Bill has undergone a number of changes in the standing committee. Sections 1 and 2 of the old Bill, [B127-87(GA)], were rejected upon the insistence of the LP, because the relevant articles sought to extend section 10 of the Prevention of Illegal Squatting Act and to facilitate prosecution, in that an assistant magistrate could also try such cases in future. It is not the task of the LP to make it easier for the general public to be oppressed. After all, it is not the fault of those who are living in squatters’ camps today that they do not have proper housing, because for years it was this Government’s policy that Blacks could not own land in so-called White South Africa. The squatters’ camps that exist today are the Government’s problem, therefore. Instead of prosecuting the squatters, the problem should be rectified. People must make provision for housing in future so that there need not be any squatters. We on the standing committee did not see our way clear to making it easier for a magistrate or an assistant magistrate to prosecute squatters. We want to prevent that completely, and that is why we rejected the clauses in question.
We also rejected clause 11 of the original amending Bill. This clause sought to amend section 73 of the Republic of South Africa Constitution Act, Act No 110 of 1983, to recover the salaries, allowances and benefits of President’s Council members from the State Revenue Account in future, instead of from the President’s Vote as is the case at present. We rejected this recommendation, because only the State President has the right to instruct the President’s Council or to refer legislation to the President’s Council once it has been rejected by Parliament. As such we do not see our way clear to remunerating members of the President’s Council from the State Revenue Account. We think the fact that they are remunerated from the State President’s Vote is a good reflection of reality, because they work only for him, after all. So much for the clauses we rejected in the standing committee.
I now want to come back to clause 3 of the amending Bill under discussion. We rewrote the original clause 5 completely to bring the franchise of Blacks on the level of local authority into line with the franchise requirements for local authority voters in the rest of the country. The clause now provides that a member of the Black community must be resident in a local authority area for at least three months, or must be the owner of immovable property in that area. If he complies with these requirements, he qualifies as a voter on the level of local government. Section 9 provides that the Administrator and the three own affairs Ministers will consult together in future when an election date for local authorities is to be determined. A local council, established in terms of section 2 of the Local Councils Act (House of Assembly), Act No 94 of 1987, provides, however, for the exclusion of areas such as Melkbosstrand and Glentana. The reason for this is that these coastal towns are mainly holiday towns.
When local authorities have elections on 26 October this year, most of the owners of houses in coastal towns will not be in those constituencies. Those people will have to vote on some other date—somewhere near Christmas—to elect new representatives to their local authorities, when all the residents of those towns are there.
Clauses 11, 12 and 13 go into more detail on provincial matters. Clause 12 deals with a certain problem. The Provincial Government Act does not provide for an Act referred to the Administrator by the State President to be rereferred to a Cabinet Minister who deals with general affairs. We support the clause because our party’s standpoint is that there should be expansion in the sphere of general affairs to an increasing degree. More laws and functions should fall under general affairs, so that everyone in the country can have a say in these matters. With reference to other legislation that is before the Standing Committee on Constitutional Affairs at present, therefore, we do not see our way clear to further extending own affairs. Hon members will remember that at the LP’s congress in the Skilpadsaal we accepted a resolution to this effect. We shall fight own affairs in future, therefore, but support general affairs. As such we support this measure.
Mr Chairman, I want to thank the two hon gentlemen, the hon member for Wentworth and the hon member Mr Lockey, not only for their contributions in this debate and for their support, but also for the contribution they made in the standing committee. I have been informed that they made a positive contribution in the committee, that they took part in the debate and that they used the system of standing committees to its full.
†The hon member for Wentworth pointed out that with regard to some clauses of the Bill, such as clause 5, there were lengthy discussions in the standing committee. He then underlined the fact—I agree with him—that the important point was that consensus was reached, as was envisaged when the new system of standing committees, together with the new constitutional dispensation, was introduced.
*That is why I want to thank the two hon members sincerely for making their contribution— particularly in the standing committee where a Bill is discussed thoroughly and proposals can be made.
†The hon member for Wentworth said that a system would always be subject to change. I fully agree, Sir. Change is the one thing about which we can be sure. However, it must always take place with a view to improving the existing system. I think all the political parties in South Africa are working towards that. Change will be brought about, but then only on the condition that the existing system is thereby improved.
*I want to thank the hon member Mr Lockey sincerely for his contribution and especially for emphasising that provision should be made for housing. He referred to squatting among other things. Sir, we shall never be able to prevent urbanisation from taking place. This process has never been stopped or reversed anywhere in the world, nor will this happen in South Africa. I myself am a product of urbanisation. My parents moved from Swellendam to Cape Town during the depression, and I was born in Cape Town. As a result of urbanisation, therefore, I am a product of the city.
We must make provision for people who come to the cities, but we cannot permit them to squat illegally on other people’s land. We must make provision for what I want to call informal housing—the serviced plot—so that according to people’s abilities and income, they can furnish themselves with houses in which they and their families can live happily.
We shall also have to ensure that there are sufficient employment opportunities for people who come to the city. We need everyone’s contribution for the creation of employment opportunities. We also need the contributions of kindly disposed friends overseas. Their investments remain of the utmost importance, because they provide work for the people of this country so that everyone can live happily. I hope this Bill will also contribute to bringing about that happiness in this country.
Mr Chairman, this may be my last speech in this House. I want to thank hon members for the friendship we have built up during the past few years. We have had lively debates. Sometimes the debates were heated and concerned thorny issues, but we always remained friends. If we saw one another in the lobby or in the street, or wherever we were in South Africa, there was always time to smile at one another. I want to thank hon members sincerely, because I appreciate that. Even if we differed sharply at times, we became fond of one another. I wish hon members everything of the best for the future.
Question agreed to.
Bill read a second time.
Mr Chairman, on behalf of the Minister of Justice I move the motion printed in his name on the Order Paper, as follows:
- (a) inquire into and report on the matter of parliamentary privilege in all its facets; and
- (b) propose appropriate amendments or additions to the Standing Rules and Orders and related legislation if and where necessary,
the Committee to have power to take evidence and call for papers.
Agreed to.
Mr Chairman, I move:
Agreed to.
The House adjourned at
Mr SPEAKER laid upon the Table:
- (1) Civil Protection Amendment Bill [B 61—88 (GA)].
- (2) Excision of Released Areas Bill [B 62—88 (GA)].
Mr S COLLAKOPPEN, as Chairman, presented the Seventh Report of the Standing Select Committee on Trade and Industry, dated 16 March 1988, as follows:
Bill to be read a second time.
Mr Chairman, I move:
The Gilbert and Sullivan character who complained that a policeman’s lot is “not an ’appy one” had, of course, not dreamt of the lot of a Minister of the Budget in our tricameral parliamentary system. Such a Minister can, perforce, deliver Second Reading speeches on the various Appropriation Bills concerning own affairs, only after the Minister of Finance has delivered his equivalent Second Reading speeches on general appropriations. This can be explained by the simple reason that all the revenue accounts for own affairs are, to a very large extent, dependent on transfer payments from the central Exchequer and it would be inappropriate for Ministers of the Budget to anticipate the Minister of Finance in any way.
It follows, therefore, that the major economic goals and fiscal constraints on both the revenue and expenditure sides which determine the extent to which the needs of general affairs departments and the own affairs administrations can be satisfied, have already been comprehensively dealt with. For me to cover the same ground is pointless.
In seeking a significant theme for this Second Reading Speech, I have to be no only mindful of the foregoing but also careful not to pre-empt the policy speeches my colleagues will be making in the Committee Stage during discussion of their Votes.
Hon members will thus appreciate that, like Gilbert and Sullivan’s policeman, a Minister of the Budget’s task is not an easy one.
Against this background, I shall endeavour to give an overview of what the Ministers’ Council hopes to achieve in the short and medium terms. For this purpose I am considering the coming financial year 1988-89 as the short term and the five years 1989-90 to 1994-95 as medium term. I shall not attempt longer prognostications—there are far too many variables to lend it any real credibility.
Hon members may feel that the goals set are inadequate and I may be inclined to agree, but we must all bear in mind that South Africa’s resources are finite and its needs a bottomless pit. This has, as we know, led to the creation of the State President’s Committee on National Priorities and the acceptance, by consensus, of a five-year plan for central Government spending consistent with overall economic growth. Interdisciplinary and intergroup priorities are the inescapable adjuncts of this plan.
The universally accepted need to eliminate per capita disparities between the allocation of public funds to the various population groups for services of a similar nature has a high priority, for instance, but the tempo at which it can be satisfied is dictated by the availability of funds. Likewise for wiping out backlogs in infrastructure, housing, classrooms, teacher training etc, etc. In a nutshell, the scenario which follows falls within the five-year plan and must be seen as the best we can do on current assessments.
If the economy performs better than expected, higher goals may become realistic and hon members may rest assured that the Ministers’ Council will, at all times, be alert for changing possibilities.
Allow me to deal with the short term, in other words targets considered to be within our grasp in 1988-89.
Housing, Land and Related Developments
During 1988-89 it is expected that about 1 000 serviced stands will be made available by the Administration: House of Delegates as well as about 1 600 hectares of land for the development of four townships. In addition a considerable number of erven will be serviced by local authorities by using loan funds which will be provided by the Housing Development Fund. Accelerating momentum to the overall addition to the housing stock of our community will become apparent during the course of the year. It can be mentioned as a matter of interest that an investigation is underway into the plight of the Ladysmith community, which was severely affected by the floods in the recent past. Complete relocation may be the only lasting solution.
Health Services and Welfare
After the decision that the Administration: House of Delegates should take over clinics and hospitals which meet the criteria for classification as own affairs, the Phoenix Clinic serving about 600 people per day has been taken over. Arrangements are being made for the early takeover of the Lenasia Clinic for the benefit of about 200 people per day. Planning of a community hospital for Phoenix is to proceed apace. Funds are included for the further planning of a dental hospital which will also serve the Faculty of Dentistry at the University of Durban-Westville. Social pensions and grants will be paid to over 64 000 beneficiaries—an increase of about 7%. The hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare has already announced the October bonus of R60 per beneficiary.
Education and Culture
This year’s estimates make provision for the construction of three pre-primary schools. Provision is also being made for 17 community education centres which will come into operation during the year. Also for the first time, provision is being made for the payment of a rand-for-rand subsidy towards the maintenance of sports facilities at primary and secondary schools where up to now only the initial provision of such facilities has been subsidised.
There are altogether 948 student teachers studying at the moment at the two colleges of education and the University of Durban-Westville, of whom some 350 will complete their training at the end of 1988. The enrolment for the ensuing years will be based on actual needs, especially in the natural science disciplines in which there is the greatest shortage. The major works building programme includes 46 projects, of which 17 are already under construction, and 29 new services for which tenders will be invited this year.
Agriculture
Flood damage sustained by Indian farmers is to be tackled by providing an amount of R9 978 000 for resettlement and aid.
Local Government Affairs
Our community must be urged to avail themselves of the opportunity which local affairs committees present for more meaningful participation in civic affairs. Although the general drive is towards a more integrated system, this opportunity to participate at local level must be utilised to its full extent. Maximum participation must be ensured in the local government elections during October 1988. A high percentage poll is essential.
I now turn to the medium term, that is to say, the 5 years from 1989-90 to 1994-95.
Housing, Land and Related Developments
It is the aim of this administration to identify and procure sufficient land for urban development to eliminate entirely the backlog in housing in the lower and middle income categories. A concerted plan of action has already been launched to achieve this goal. A roof of one’s own is the best possible stake in the future. If housing is good, almost all other problems become manageable.
Health Services and Welfare
It is the policy of this administration to put basic health services at the disposal of our community to enhance the overall quality of life. About 17 clinics and multi-purpose centres are expected to be established in the five-year period towards this goal.
Although an increase in pension beneficiaries is currently being experienced, it is necessary that the number eventually be reduced so as to conform to the standards and norms agreed upon under section 84(a) of the Constitution. This must not be seen as a goal depriving people of anything; it must, on the contrary, be seen as the desired outcome of increased employment, prosperity and improved health of the Indian population.
Education and Culture
The goals of the Ministers’ Council in the next five years in regard to education can be expressed in pupil-teacher ratios, pupil-classroom ratios, per capita expenditure, etc. I shall leave such detail to my colleague, the hon the Minister of Education and Culture. As Minister of the Budget, I will endeavour only to justify the apportioning of the lion’s share of our Budget to education by some thoughts of a more philosophical dimension.
The acquisition of knowledge and skills is the common factor in the history of all latter-day peoples who have emerged from historical poverty or, at best, subsistence living, unsupportable population growth, diseases of deprivation, etc. We need look no further than Japan, Taiwan and South Korea. If one word can sum up the complex educational processes which took these people from ruination and rags to riches it is ‘productivity’. That is the ultimate return on any country’s investment in education.
Productivity is influenced by several factors, among which attitudes, responsibility and the socio-economic environment are paramount.
The need to be able to make a contribution towards the betterment of society will certainly be a motivating force. However, the society itself must make this possible by placing minimum restraints on the individual. For the vast majority in this country, work is simply a daily struggle from childhood to dotage or early infirmity, simply to keep body and soul together. There is little or nothing over for fun or climbing out of the morass of poverty. In order to be productive and efficient so that society as a whole can benefit, it is essential that each worker must see the personal benefit of greater effort. Poverty line workers whose labours rarely secure higher wages, no matter how much they exert themselves more than their fellows, are apathetic to productivity and, indeed, often do as little as possible in a sort of passive resistance to the system in which they feel trapped. This is also the basis for the appeal which Marxism has for deprived masses and why universal patriotism in South Africa is so elusive.
It is therefore more than ironic that in the socialist workers’ paradises behind the Iron Curtain and in our neighbouring countries the lot of the common man is, generally, far worse than before his ‘liberation’ and productivity in state-owned enterprise is so low that there is a return to closet-capitalism and individual rewards to prevent total collapse. However, the poor in capitalist states do not believe this in advance and by the time they experience it in practice it is too late.
Somewhere between the two extremes there must be a happy medium where extra sweat brings extra money and a protective self-interest in private property by the masses. Finding the happy medium is what today’s troubles are all about. Increased productivity and thus a wider spread of wealth are the prime ingredients for peace. If we succeed here, the rest will fall into place. If we fail, no amount of constitutional architecture will bring peace. The price of success will be high, but that of failure incalculable.
A further important feature of newly industrialised countries is their commitment to economic re-construction which aims at developing an industrial society. If this is our commitment, the curricula at schools will have to be reviewed to meet this end. The complex problem that needs to be addressed in this country is the provision of education on ethnic lines. If, during the reconstruction period in South Africa, more pupils from a particular population group find themselves in vocational training courses, it could well elicit allegations, however ill-founded, of second class education, etc.
The solution to the problem lies, firstly, in setting clear economic goals for the country and, secondly, in providing education with demonstrably non-ethnic curricula and facilities. All pupils, irrespective of colour, creed or race, should follow an educational programme best suited to their ability and interest and, thereafter, have equal access to opportunities in the commercial and industrial sectors. To the extent that the policy of the Government concerning the provision of education for different population groups may conflict with these ideals, it will have to be changed. Particularly in regard to the productive use of underutilised ethnically allocated facilities, we can no longer afford such waste.
Then, too, the minimum education qualification for all South Africans should be Standard 8. This implies compulsory school attendance to the age of 15 years. Pupils of this age have generally mastered adequate skills in communication and learning. They will also be mature enough to interact and develop in a business or industrial environment and should enjoy reasonable security of tenure throughout their working lives.
Realisation of these ideals in South Africa is, however, seriously threatened by the demographic overwhelming of certain segments of the educational system which can only be countered, in the short and medium terms, by dramatic increases in spending on education to the detriment, inter alia, of mass job creation projects. Fiscal balancing of these two needs is a high-wire act with no safety net which the hon the Minister of Finance is performing with aplomb.
It is the policy of this Ministers’ Council and mine as Minister of the Budget to contain spending on our community’s educational needs during the next five years to that which is consistent with the five year plan and the financing formula agreed upon for the greater good of South Africa. If we, as a House, wish to spend more on this service hon members should realise it will have to be financed by savings elsewhere in our Budget. We cannot, like Oliver Twist, ask for more.
Agriculture
Thus far an amount of R15,055 million was made available to the Indian farming community for financial aid and resettlement of Indian farmers as a result of the recent flood disaster. This amount provided will be available as follows: R4,2 million already voted in the 1987-88 additional estimates, R9,978 million included in the estimates for 1988-89 and the balance of R,871 million to be included in the estimates for 1989-90. If the full effects of the disaster have not been countered by 1989-90 we shall have to consider aid in later years as well. Needless to say there are other goals besides mere restoration of damage and which my hon colleague, the responsible Minister, is better qualified than I to deal with.
Local Government Affairs
Although local affairs committees represent progress at municipal level the interdependancy of all communities really cried out for local affairs committees to be fully integrated with municipal councils. This integrated system of local government is a goal which sight must not be lost of.
Expenditure
If one compares the printed estimate for 1987-88 with that now tabled for 1988-89 it will be seen that the increase of R81,5 million amounts to a moderate 10,7%, which is well below the inflation rate. If one draws a comparison between the augmented 1987-88 figure, ie after adding the R34,6 million voted in the additional estimates of 1987-88, the increase falls to 5,9%. A word of caution is called for here, however, because we do not know at this stage whether, as must be hoped, we shall be able to avoid an additional estimate in 1988-89. Whichever way one views it, our willingness to co-operate with the hon the State President in his efforts to reduce State spending is evident. In real terms we have indeed cut back, without, I may add, adversely affecting essential services to our community. The hon the Minister of Finance has asked the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council to convey his thanks to all concerned for their manifestly responsible approach.
Hon members must however bear in mind that the amount of R841,509 million now submitted to this House for appropriation, is not the total amount available to finance the various services to our community. Taking into account expected repayment of capital and interest, as well as the available balance in the Housing Development Fund and the provision for specific services in respect of own affairs education on general affairs votes, the total funds available for spending on our community amount to R1,150 billion.
I should now like to deal briefly with the various Votes for which funds are now requested.
Vote No 1: Budgetary and Auxiliary Services
Printed Estimate 1988-89: R13 713 000.
Programme 1: Administration shows an increase of R1,786 million or 24,24%. As hon members are aware a general salary increase was allotted to all civil servants from 1 July 1987. This amount was not included on the various votes as the precise impact was not determinable at the time of appropriation. However, as this amount is now known, the cost of this increase has to be appropriated correctly thus resulting in an increase under this Vote. Additional funds are also required for the filling of approved posts in the Directorate: Financial Administration. An internal audit section was recently created to check on control over funds and property. The need for tighter financial control over the Housing Development Fund calls for additional posts. Various tariff and price increases contribute to the increase as well.
Programme 2: Associated and supporting services reflects an increase of R508 000 or 12,54% which is due to the improvement of salaries, wages and allowances similar to those mentioned and increased expenditure resulting from various tariff and price increases.
Vote No 2: Local Government, Housing and Agriculture
Amount to be voted: R187 842 000.
This department is responsible for the capital projects of the administration as a whole. There are two categories of capital viz Capital—R60 086 000 to be spent by the department itself, and Capital—R48 308 000 for transfer to the Housing Development Fund. The capital of R60 086 000 is mainly for projects related to education, welfare and health services as well as the acquisition of land.
The amount of R48 308 000 to be transferred to the Housing Development Fund has been allocated as follows:
Development projects (b) R19 000 000
Hon members are aware of the problems with which this Administration has to deal in identifying and procuring suitable land for housing within the confines of existing legislation. Problems are also encountered with certain local authorities.
We are, however, surmounting the obstacles and progress will not be halted. I would remind this House that although R48 308 000 is to be voted as a transfer payment, the total amount available in the Housing Development Fund, which is a revolving fund, will this year be as follows:
Amount to be appropriated |
R48 308 000 |
Returning capital and interest payable |
R124 100 000 |
Estimated balance carried over |
|
from previous year |
R128 377 000 |
Total |
R300 785 000 |
In effect, this is all for housing projects.
Apart from the R4,204 million voted earlier in the Additional Estimates for 1987-88, a further amount of R9,978 million is included in the estimate for 1988-89 for financial assistance to Indian farmers.
Vote No 3: Education and Culture
Amount to be voted: R461 127 000.
Members are aware that transfer payments from the Exchequer for education in South Africa are allocated according to a formula developed to ensure that, within the constraints of limited State revenue each population group’s minimum needs are met and disparities between them systematically chipped away, parity of per capita spending being the long-term goal.
As I mentioned at some length earlier this Vote was allocated the lion’s share of our budget. I must again stress to hon members that the total amount available for education, namely R608 039 000 considerably exceeds what the House is being asked to vote. I refer to Annexure A to the Vote in the printed Estimates.
My colleague the hon the Minister of Education and Culture will deal in more detail with this Vote during the Committee Stage.
Vote No 4: Health Services and Welfare
I have included in my proposals an amount of R172 078 000 for the Department of Health Services and Welfare. This is required to enable the department to continue the current programmes and represents an increase of R20.0 million or 13,2% over the previous financial year’s allocation.
Without encroaching on the ground of my colleague, the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare, I should like to highlight one or two aspects of the Vote.
The amount provided under Programme 4: Welfare Promotion is, as can be seen, very substantial indeed. This is due to the fact that the Department of Health Services and Welfare is responsible for the payment of all social pensions and grants to members of the Indian community who qualify. The total amount required for this programme is R156 309 000. The balance of the funds of R15 769 000 under this Vote is required for the overall administration of welfare services, the subsidising of old age homes, children’s homes, homes for the handicapped and protective workshops, the subsidising of private welfare organisations, the provision of rehabilitation services and facilities for the social relief of indigents and other disaster relief where necessary.
Mr Chairman, the R20 million increase in funds now requested for this Vote as compared with the previous year, is largely ascribable to price and tariff increases as well as the following:
- — An increase of 7,6% in the number of beneficiaries receiving pension grants and allowances as well as the carry-over costs of the increase in social pensions and grants with effect from 1 October 1987;
- — the establishing of two multi-purpose clinics to render basic health services to the community;
- — the take-over of the Phoenix Community Health Centre from the Natal Provincial Administration as from 1 September 1987;
- — the planned opening of the new rehabilitation centre in Newlands West during August 1988;
- — the provision of two occupational rehabilitation centres.
Vote No 5: Improvement of conditions of service
Amount to be voted: R6 749 000.
Mr Chairman, this Vote covers funds for expenditure resulting from general adjustments in years where these are granted, plus the elimination of disparity in salaries as well as occupational adjustments. As these measures are all subject to recommendations by the Commission for Administration, the allocation of the provision to the various Votes cannot be effected at this stage—hence the globular provision under this umbrella Vote.
The Vote shows a substantial decrease compared to the previous year, but hon members must bear in mind that during the 1987-88 financial year provision had to be made for general salary adjustments of 12,5% with effect from 1 July 1987. The carry-over cost of this increase is now provided for under the various Votes. There is also no general adjustment this year—hence the reduced Vote.
Mr Chairman, I now lay upon the Table:
- (1) Estimate of Revenue and Estimate of Expenditure for the financial year ending 31 March 1989.
- (2) Explanatory Memorandum on the Estimates of Expenditure for the financial year ending 31 March 1989, Votes 1-5 of the Administration: House of Delegates.
In conclusion I wish to place on record my appreciation and that of the members of the Ministers’ Council to the Director-General and Chief Director as well as the personnel of the Administration: House of Delegates for the magnificent assistance they have given to me as Minister of the Budget in the House of Delegates.
Mr Chairman, I would like the opportunity to study the speech of the hon the Minister of the Budget. I move:
Agreed to.
Mr Chairman, I believe that all the hon members of this House have been presented with a little sweetener. I have one here in my hand and it apparently serves to announce the arrival of the latest addition to the family of the hon member for Lenasia Central. On behalf of all hon members I would like to congratulate the hon member and his dear wife on the arrival of their baby daughter.
Mr Chairman, I would like to avail myself of this opportunity to compliment the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development for the good work that he is doing in his capacity as the Chairman of the Flood Disaster Relief Committee appointed by the hon the State President. Members of this committee are performing a very important and necessary task in the interest of all affected persons. Membership of this committee is undoubtedly very taxing for it calls for a great deal of sacrifice. I am certain that all hon members of this House will join me in thanking the committee and the hon the Minister for all that they are doing. We wish the committee well in the execution of their duties in the days to follow. The all-important role played by the hon the State President also should not be ignored. I wish to place on record our sincere appreciation for the initiative taken by the hon the State President in this country’s hour of need.
Mr Chairman, I now move the motion as printed in my name on the Order Paper:
- (1) the creation of job opportunities for people of colour in a field that has historically been denied the people of colour;
- (2) better communication between doctor and patient; and
- (3) the availability of district surgeons when, due to religious beliefs, doctors are unavailable on Sundays and other religious holidays.
Mr Chairman, in my motion I used the term “people of colour” because available statistics show that by far the majority of appointments have thus far been made from the White population group. Merit obviously should be the prime consideration, but at the same time the imbalance due to past appointments has to be corrected. It is necessary for us to understand who our district surgeon is and what functions and duties he is expected to perform. He performs a medical, legal and personal service, some of which I should like to highlight. Under the heading of medical and legal services he attends to court requirements from the Supreme Court, regional courts as well as magistrates’ courts and examines prospective applicants and reservists for the Police, Prison Services, the military and the police college. For the Department of Justice his duties include visits to prisons; examination and treatment of prisoners awaiting trial; prisoners in prison and police cells; attending to detainees; corporal punishment pre-examination in prisons and police cells; in cases of drunken driving he has to check the alcohol content in the blood of offenders; he has to attend to sexual assault cases and cases of rape, incest, sodomy, etc; murder; post-mortem examinations; certification of death; medical examinations for legal abortions. Under personal services there is the examination of pensioners and treatment of the indigent as well as examinations for disability grants.
On behalf of the Department of Manpower, sheltered employment and clinical consultations have to be given. Treatments have to be rendered. He is also responsible for the examination of the mentally disabled; the examination of Child Care Act cases; the examination of child rehabilitation cases; as well as age estimation when required to do so.
As we know, a full-time district surgeon is a doctor in the employ of the State who does not practise as a general practitioner, or GP. A part-time district surgeon is a doctor who serves in a dual capacity within a specified magisterial district. A part-time district surgeon is one who performs the duties of a district surgeon and who still practises as a GP. On the other hand, there is a sessional post. This is occupied by a doctor who works stipulated hours and is paid an hourly rate for the duties performed as a district surgeon.
The Department of National Health and Population Development employs 161 full-time and 112 private practitioners on a sessional basis. Of this figure of 161 four are Coloured, 15 are Indian and 142 are White. There are no Black appointments. The provincial administrations have appointed 106 part-time district surgeons. There are one part-time and one assistant Indian in the Transvaal, eight Indians in Natal, and no persons of colour have been appointed in either the Cape or the Orange Free State.
The House of Delegates employs eight full-time and five part-time district surgeons. In addition we have seven sessional appointments. Unfortunately, all these appointments by the House of Delegates are made in Natal. This matter will obviously have to be canvassed with the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare in this House because there are Indians residing in the Transvaal and the Cape as well.
The House of Representatives employs six full-time and three part-time district surgeons, and the House of Assembly employs 20 full-time and 16 part-time district surgeons. We therefore have five different administrations responsible for the appointment of district surgeons, whether they be full-time, part-time or sessional. I would like the hon the Minister to tell us exactly how vacancies are advertised and what qualifications are required of an applicant, as well as who ultimately decides on appointments.
I hope it is merit, and not colour, that forms the basis for the success or failure of an applicant. If colour does come into the picture, then I should like to tell the hon the Minister that as difficult as it may be, it is necessary to remove all racial prejudices, whether written or unwritten, that discriminate against and restrict the progress of persons on the basis of colour. Gone are the days when, as I recall, it was unheard of for a doctor of colour to treat a White patient while it was completely in order for a White doctor to treat patients of colour. What was the fear? Was it the misguided notion that our doctors were underqualified, or was it just plain racial prejudice? Whatever it was, no reason is good enough to be acceptable.
These doctors of colour, who have practised in the shadow of their White colleagues, have excelled in their chosen profession. It is necessary for us to keep abreast of a changing world, and more especially of a rapidly changing South Africa.
The changes have to be introduced sooner rather than later.
It is inexplicable why there are no district surgeons for the areas of Soweto, Lenasia, Langa or Guguletu. There could be a very good reason for the absence of district surgeons of colour. If there is, the hon the Minister must tell us what that good reason is. I want to know whether vacancies are advertised without restrictions, or whether they are restricted to White applicants only. Or, to put it another way: Can a White doctor apply for the position of district surgeon in the region serving Guguletu and can a doctor of colour apply to fill a vacancy in the region serving, say, Houghton in the Transvaal? These are obviously all general affairs—and not own affairs—appointments. Why are all district surgeons not appointed by this general affairs hon Minister, instead of by provincial authorities and own affairs Administrations? Perhaps the hon the Minister will tell us of the benefits, if there are any, of the present system of appointments and if there are difficulties, he should tell us of these as well. The hon the Minister is an honest man, and I expect him to play open cards with us. We are after all told that we are co-legislators, or are there limits to being co-legislators? We will know when the hon the Minister replies. I doubt if he will talk it out. He is too good a man to do that.
Nobody can deny that discrimination in its many forms has given rise to complexes and the widening of the communication gap. The appointment of district surgeons of colour, whether full-time, part-time or sessional, would contribute to better communication between doctor and patient. We have high-lighted in this very House instances where disability and social grants have been withdrawn for no apparent reason. I say no apparent reason, because I believe that in the majority of cases there exists this communication gap. And what is the result of this communication gap? Among other things, it gives rise to speculation and accusations by some that White doctors are prejudiced and biased in their recommendations. I am not pleading for appointments to be made merely to satisfy ethnic and racial considerations. No, Sir, there are practical problems, and we need to address these, even it means asking for appointments to serve the needs of a particular community.
This issue is very similar to that of the Group Areas Act. We do not like it, but whilst the Group Areas Act exists, land has to be identified for a disadvantaged community in terms of this very Group Areas Act. As a community that is compartmentalised, we are, for the sake of expediency, compelled to ask for group appointments. It will not necessarily follow that if people of colour are appointed as district surgeons their respective communities will benefit by receiving all the answers.
Let us take the example of the means test. The appointment of persons of colour as district surgeons will undoubtedly address many of the social and day-to-day problems, but the unjust, hurtful, discriminatory registration will have to be looked into, addressed and amended or repealed, as the case may be, because no district surgeon will be able to satisfy the person who wants to know why the disparity exists in the means test.
The third part of my motion reads, and I quote:
- (3) the availability of district surgeons when, due to religious beliefs, doctors are unavailable on Sundays and other religious holidays.
Before elaborating on this point I wish to place on record our sincere appreciation of the district surgeons who have been conducting post-mortems after normal hours. We are naturally indebted to the hon the Minister for making it possible for the service to be provided. I am given to understand and I have the assurances of the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare in this House that this is to be a permanent service following the three-month introductory period.
I have been called upon in the past to assist bereaved families requiring assistance in securing the timeous release of bodies for burial. I have enjoyed the co-operation of the district surgeon for Benoni and also of Dr Keen, the State pathologist in Johannesburg. I must compliment these gentlemen on their courtesy and understanding.
The doctors who perform these post-mortems sacrifice their religious and cultural obligations to satisfy and accommodate persons of the Muslim and Hindu faiths. These doctors are mainly of the Christian or Jewish faith. They too have their Sabbath and other religious obligations to observe and to respect. The possibility does exist and we cannot be unmindful of the fact that a doctor may one day refuse to perform a post-mortem on his Sabbath. Such an occurrence will lead to a great deal of unpleasantness. Accusations of disrespect for religion may arise and lead to racial conflict.
By appointing persons of colour as full-time, part-time or sessional district surgeons this area of possible friction will be negatived. We are fortunate that freedom of religion exists in this country and with that the existence of different religions. I believe we as South Africans are a God-fearing people. Religion transcends all ethnic, cultural and racial divides. All religions have to be respected and just as I respect my religion I realise that others too value, cherish and respect their religions. It is because of this that I believe that we must take into consideration the needs of others to have the time to devote to their respective religions. I do believe, as has been told to me by a district surgeon, that they too wish to respect their Sabbath.
In conclusion I want the hon the Minister to know that the motion before us has been submitted after much thought and discussion. It is a submission as a result of community opinion and to open up hitherto inaccessible employment opportunities for doctors of colour. I believe there are many doctors who will be willing to apply for and to serve as district surgeons. Whether they will be full-time, part-time or sessional, I think is not important. The important point is that we have doctors of colour—I have to use the term “of colour” to make a point although I know that not everybody in this House approves of it—who are prepared to accept the responsibility. To occupy the position of a district surgeon is a responsibility and there are qualified doctors who are prepared to serve in that capacity. I believe they should be given the chance.
Appointments irrespective of colour will undoubtedly restore community confidence in the office of district surgeons and also, if I may add, in the Ministry of National Health and Population Development.
The hon the Minister may say that the service is fully integrated. If it is so, let us hear from him and let us see by the appointment of more doctors of colour that it is fully integrated.
I am confident that the hon the Minister, being a medical doctor himself, will prescribe what I shall call a just-what-the-doctor-ordered solution as he invariably does when he comes to this House and will make a favourable announcement here today.
Mr Chairman, I rise to move as an amendment:
I must with very deep respect differ with the motion of the hon member Mr Y I Seedat tabled before us this afternoon. I can perhaps understand his dilemma but I must hasten to add that there are many flaws in his presentation which I want to point out to the hon member. For one, it exposes the limitations of the own affairs system. The hon member is calling upon the hon Minister of National Health and Population Development to consider the advisability of appointing people of colour as district surgeons in areas which do not fall under his jurisdiction. This once again underlines the inadequacies of the present systems where we have some 15 Ministers of Health including the TBVC states.
What is of particular concern to me is that the birth rate of Ministers is on the increase and this goes against all the laws of sound family planning! What is good for family planning is good for Government planning. Having so many hon Minister of Health is not only an unhealthy situation, but South Africa cannot afford this luxury at a time when the hon the Minister of Finance is calling for stricter control of Government spending. This state of affairs would never have occurred if we only had one single Minister of Health controlling the portfolio. The principle of appointing people, on merit would have been given its rightful place in our country. Health services should never have been fragmented.
The creation of job opportunities for people must be founded on the golden principle that merit alone should be the deciding factor in appointing people not only to health appointments but to all responsible posts. Opportunities for all people must be founded on the golden principle that merit alone shall be the deciding factor in appointing persons not only to health appointments but to all responsible appointments. I emphasise that merit alone should be the criterion. Item 2 of the motion states—and I read it again for the benefit of the hon House and all the hon members:
I cannot understand what special communication the hon member requires of a doctor but I did hear him say that when a social disability case visits a doctor who is not of his own colour or does not understand the language properly, he is liable to be “punished” indirectly because the doctor did not understand the applicant’s problem. However, this doctor-patient relationship is based on a very old unwritten law. It is an unwritten law. I know I have a very good White doctor friend living in Queensborough although they got rid of me from there. [Interjections.] This good doctor communicated in all languages. I think the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council knows the good doctor Sweidan. He had patients from different groups and he was able to communicate with them. He was able to help them. However, this question of doctor-patient communication is beyond me and I cannot understand what it is all about.
Mr Chairman, will the hon member take a question?
I do not want to disappoint the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council, but my time is limited.
Time and again hon members in this House have brought up item No 3 “the availability of district surgeons when, due to religious beliefs, doctors are unavailable on Sundays and other religious holidays,” and burials which cannot be expedited. I do not remember which hon members raised this matter, but this was a hardy annual and was brought up over and over again. I do not want to flatter the hon the Minister of National Health but he has given consideration to this and I think some measure of relief has been experienced in different areas.
The question of the availability of district surgeons is not a very primary question. There are a number of doctors that qualify, without prejudice on the part of the hon the Minister, for appointments, and they should be appointed on merit, as I mentioned earlier.
Taking the overall issue, I must once again emphasise that we are going back to an own affairs system instead of moving towards a single general affairs system.
Mr Chairman, first of all I want to compliment the hon member Mr Seedat for the very useful motion he has submitted to this House. This motion itself should be looked at in one context, the context of the practical implications it has had over the years. In the same breath I also want to associate myself with the remarks made by the hon member Mr Seedat towards the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development for the tremendous responsibility that rested on his shoulders with regard to the recent devastating floods we have been experiencing, and for the wonderful service he has rendered to South Africa.
However, the hon member Mr Seedat made some very useful comments here this afternoon highlighting his motion. He spoke about the various duties of the district surgeon and the implications that this has in society. He again raised the issue of discriminatory factors which came into play among the district surgeons and in society. He also mentioned the need for the appointment of district surgeons by this general affairs minister. Hence, the debate is taking place in this House.
We must also take into consideration a practical factor. The hon member Mr Seedat does not subscribe to the Group Areas Act, nor does he subscribe to ethnicity, but one must take into account the practical problems we are faced with. Therefore, on the basis and principles of religious leanings, he has appealed for special consideration to be given with regard to appointments.
The hon member for Phoenix, a very respected hon member of this House, discussed certain flaws in this motion. Then, of course, he made one point about better communication. I think that in actual fact that is where our problem starts; it is a question of better communication.
I think that over the past four years in this House we have periodically debated the important issue of post-mortems, the attitudes that prevail in various areas, and the difficulties with which innocent people were confronted from time to time. I must concede that the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development has made progress in this direction. As he has made progress we must concede that progress has been made. At the same time, however, it is imperative that from time to time we also highlight the various difficulties with which we have been faced in society.
I want to highlight what I have been faced with on the basis of the practical situation. I know that there are very few in this House who have been faced with these problems, particularly in the rural areas.
In one case a person died in tragic circumstances—he was knocked down by a train at Felixton on a Saturday afternoon. The body was taken to the mortuary, and the undertakers promised to make all the arrangements. The parties concerned went to see the district surgeon but were not successful. They rang me at midnight expressing their grief and disappointment. Early in the morning I tried to contact the district surgeon of Empangeni, but was told he was not available; I was asked to contact another doctor. When I had contact with that doctor, he said he had certain difficulties. I then had to get the magistrate out of his home. The magistrate gave the doctors open permission to the effect that anyone could perform this post-mortem. In that we also failed. In the mean time, telephones were ringing and people were waiting for the funeral. A mutilated body was lying at the mortuary. Only at 12 o’clock, when all efforts had failed, was that body put on the back of a bakkie and taken 25 km to another area. The post-mortem was then carried out by another district surgeon out in the KwaMbonambi district.
This is indeed a pathetic situation. Whereas we had the co-operation of the magistrate and of the Police Force, when it came to the medical fraternity, on that day unfortunately the image of that noble profession diminished in that particular exercise. Those people were left in absolute grief.
In another area in Glencoe, we seem to have a tremendous problem; one which I have highlighted previously. I just wish to place certain issues on record.
Our society is deeply concerned with the plight of the disability grant cases and other pensions affected by services rendered by district surgeons. Our current district surgeon is Dr Rossouw. The previous district surgeon was Dr A K Peer Dannhauser who served disability grant cases and other pensioners of Glencoe and surrounding areas very ably. He saw pensioners weekly on a regular basis. He made house-calls in the event of an emergency, and when a disabled person was unable to attend a clinic. Pensioners and grant cases were treated courteously and timeously at a clinic which was centrally situated. Glencoe has a well-equipped clinical and library complex which is situated in close proximity to our disability grant cases and other pensioners. Dr Peer Dannhauser attended to these cases at this clinic, together with the services of his nursing sister who travelled with him, from their houses.
Here is a case of an Indian who was a district surgeon, and when his services were terminated, another doctor was appointed. Hence the problems that the community has been faced with. There have been several representations made to the doctors, but unfortunately they have not been successful.
The dispensing of certain medicines in the district also meant further difficulties with regard to this particular community. The doctors concerned were not really co-operative; there was a communication problem between the community and the district surgeon.
When we are faced with problems of this nature, naturally society is at a total loss. The other factor, too, apart from post-mortems, as the hon member Mr Seedat mentioned, is the matter of applications for disability grants. In many cases people who make application for disability grants have found themselves in certain difficulties with regard to communication, resulting in their not being accepted. This in turn gives rise to the continuation of suffering amongst those people.
I therefore want to appeal, through the Chair, that these areas be given consideration. One of the most pressing areas used to be Stanger and the hon member for Stanger will confirm this. However, today that problem no longer exists, simply because of the debates which took place in this House and because of the attention given to that problem by the hon the Minister and his department. I am indeed pleased that an important issue of this nature has been placed before this House and highlighted. These practical problems of society must be remedied because it is not fair to see that people in areas of total isolation are subject to continuous hardships of this nature. Among the many cases there was one in the St Lucia area where the doctors were extremely co-operative. I do believe that after settling this dispute over communication between the district surgeons and the magistrates, together with the SAP, they will assist wherever possible. With these words I want to support the hon member Mr Seedat for his most useful motion placed before this House. I hope that all the aspects as mentioned will be given full consideration.
Mr Chairman, I believe that I would be failing in my duty as a responsible member of the opposition if I did not also take the opportunity of associating myself with all the words of appreciation that have been heaped on the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development for the good work in relation to the floods. Having known the hon the Minister for a fair number of years, we acknowledge that he has broad shoulders and that he is a big man. Quite obviously this big man has to perform the big task which is before him.
Before I address the motion before this House, I would like to record that I myself have never personally experienced the difficulties as encountered under paragraph (3) in this motion. I am aware that there have been difficulties in the past but, as I understand the position at the present time, with the co-operation and the assistance of the hon the Minister, who has acted in conjunction with the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare, there has been a special dispensation in this regard.
Mr Chairman, will the hon member for Springfield concede that although he may not have suffered the problems as set out under paragraph (3), he may accept from me that this part appears in the motion as a result of something which was said to me by a district surgeon?
Mr Chairman, I readily concede that point. As I have indicated, I am aware that there have been problems and that hon member may have had to do with a lot of problems in that regard.
All I wanted to say was that I personally have not had that problem. All I wanted to do was to convey our appreciation to that hon Minister who is present in this House at the moment, as well as to the hon Minister who is responsible for these functions in this particular House, for the manner in which they have resolved this particular problem. I believe that the problem has, in fact, been sorted out. I myself am in possession—as, I feel sure, are certain other members in this House— of certain telephone numbers belonging to persons with whom we should communicate should a problem of this nature arise.
I think I can also claim to know that hon member of this House who has moved this particular motion, fairly well. As all hon members will recall, I have in the past supported many of the good things that he has said and I have publicly supported many of the good and honest things that he has done outside this Chamber. Therefore, I must confess that I was a little surprised to see the notice of motion this afternoon. I say “surprised” because I am aware that that hon member would certainly not like to see an entrenchment of own affairs and we all know that the motion before us is in a certain sense, as the hon member for Phoenix has indicated, an entrenchment of own affairs functions.
I am also aware that the hon member Mr Seedat really does not subscribe to the view that so-called people of colour should be appointed to positions in cases where merit does not justify such appointments. I am sure that that hon member did indicate that merit should be one of the criteria. However, having read the spirit of the motion, I believe that he now places greater emphasis on this concept of colour.
Might I take the opportunity at this stage to address the concept of “people of colour”? I believe that describing individuals according to their colour is not only nonsensical but it is certainly not informative either. It is as uninformative and as ridiculous as describing White immigrants who come here from America as Europeans and describing the rest of us as nonEuropeans. It is as nonsensical as saying that the hon Minister present in this House is not a person of colour. Quite obviously, that hon Minister is also a person of colour. I can see his ruddy cheeks from across the floor of this House. Therefore I believe that the appellation “people of colour” is one that we should avoid altogether. I believe we must call a spade a spade. I believe it is time we in this country began to realise that we are all South Africans, and I have no objection to that. I believe it is about time we began to describe the hon Minister who is present in this House as a South African citizen. I believe it is about time I, too, was described as a South African citizen, and my colleague, Dr Kuzwayo, from the King Edward VIII Hospital should likewise be described as a South African. I do not believe we should go around in this day and age, when there is so much talk about reform in this country, describing people as people of colour or as people of non colour.
As I have said, I fully appreciate the spirit in which the hon member Mr Seedat wanted to highlight the problem that he has encountered. The problem, very simply, is that, as that hon member has indicated to this House, the history of this country has been one of discrimination which has unfortunately resulted in the appointment of predominantly White persons—to use his terminology—to the position of district surgeon.
As I understand his argument, he would like to see the taking of what the Americans call ‘affirmative action’, so that the disadvantages of the past will be redressed. As I understand the motion, I think that hon member wanted to indicate to this House that he would like the hon the Minister to ensure that in the filling of positions of district surgeons, merit should be the criterion, and because of the fact that the other race groups in this country have been disadvantaged and discriminated against, a policy of affirmative action should be taken so that, in a sense, justice should prevail, in that the other groups who make up the mosaic of this country’s population are given an opportunity to become district surgeons.
The hon member indicated that at the moment in this country the hon the Minister has appointed 161 full-time district surgeons of whom only four are Coloured and none are Black. It is inconceivable that there would not have been a single application from a Black doctor in this country who would have applied for the position of a district surgeon in, say, Cape Town or Durban, or for that matter in Soweto. However, the position remains that not a single Black doctor has been appointed as a district surgeon in this country, and I believe that is a blot on the fair name of the department under the control of the hon the Minister.
Paragraph (2) of this motion notes that there should be better communication between doctor and patient. The hon member tried to explain this by saying that he believes that if people of certain religious and cultural backgrounds were to be appointed as district surgeons, those persons would be better equipped to serve people of a similar background. That was his argument. I do not believe that. I do not believe that in the practice of medicine, where ethics are involved and norms and value-systems have to be followed, a question of religious background comes into the picture. I say this with great respect to the hon member. I do not believe that any medical person in this country, worthy of being called a medical person, would be so unsympathetic and insensitive that he would not take into account the religious and cultural feelings of his patients.
The hon member, who now shakes his head at me, tried to explain this, I think, by indicating that what he really wanted to convey was that where there is a problem with a post mortem, the religious requirements of the bereaved family would be better appreciated by somebody of a similar background. That, too, I find hard to believe. I say this because, I believe, we have already indicated in this debate just now, that that particular problem has already been addressed and attended to by the hon the Minister, as well as the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare in this House. I believe this is working well. It is certainly working well in the community from which I come. Perhaps in the Transvaal this may not be the position. I will certainly bow to that if the evidence comes from the hon member Mr Seedat.
I believe that the amendment moved by the hon member for Phoenix is an amendment that I have no difficulty in supporting. I support it because I believe it addresses the question of own and general affairs. We do not subscribe to this differentiation and we do not believe that the provision of health services in this country should be an own affair. I think we have already indicated that a germ does not recognise this, so why should we? I also support the amendment because I believe that district surgeons should be appointed on merit.
I would go further and say as a compromise to the hon the Minister that the whole concept of affirmative action that has been articulated and implemented by the American people is something that the hon the Minister could look at in the future appointment of personnel in his department in general.
Mr Chairman, before entering into this particular debate I want to clarify a statement in the local newspaper saying that there is a forthcoming increase in pensions. I think it is only fair that I should clarify the position.
I was contacted by Mr Pat McCull of the Eastern Province Herald last Thursday. I indicated that it was an open secret that during the Budget of last year we stated that we were working towards parity and that we were committed to the community. I also indicated that there was a difference of R51 between the White, Indian and Coloured pensions at this stage. If one does one’s own calculations and divide this amount by three years it is obvious that there should be an increase of R17 per year.
However, I am fully aware of the financial stringency in this country. I issued a statement on Wednesday immediately after the hon the Minister of Finance submitted his Budget in which I clearly indicated that there would be a bonus of R60 per pensioner or grantee some time in October but that there would be no pension increase whatsoever.
I think it is necessary that I should clarify this matter as there has been a great deal of Press speculation. It is unfair to build up false hopes and have people expecting an increase when it can be stated positively that at this stage there will be no increase whatsoever.
Another point emanating from the discussion this afternoon is the question of post mortems. The hon member Mr Seedat made mention of a trial period of three months. I want to inform the House that at that time the three months’ trial period was not for the actual post-mortem services by district surgeons but it was purely to establish whether there were any problems during the trial period which we could then rectify. My hon colleague is aware of this and he has indicated that in order to avoid any misunderstanding a further circular will be sent out to say that the services must continue. I have no doubt that the services are being continued.
I want to place on record at this stage my sincere appreciation for the co-operation of my colleague the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development insofar as the issue of post mortems is concerned. Those of us who served in the SA Indian Council will recall that this matter has dragged on for many years and has been a great inconvenience for our community. I want to place on record our appreciation for the understanding of the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development of this issue which has been of great concern to the Indian community particularly where post-mortems over week-ends are concerned.
I never received any complaints whatsoever. Hon members brought it to my attention that whenever there was a case, immediate action was taken. I also want to place on record our appreciation to the district surgeons who assisted at a time when most needed.
Coming to the actual notice of motion I want to place on record my appreciation to the hon member Mr Y I Seedat for having brought this to our attention. I do not think that it should be misconstrued as an attempt to entrench own affairs. We have practical problems. I go through this on an almost daily basis. We have many members, including the hon member for Phoenix, who bring various issues to our attention, and I am talking about day-to-day affairs.
As much as I do not believe in entrenching an own affair the very fact that we are serving in this very Chamber is a clear indication that we have been of service to our community. We have to perform this service because one of the problems we have is that there is a population of just under one million Indians in South Africa.
Presently we find on our records that we have just under 20 000 disability grantees. In order for each one of these grantees to qualify they have to go through a district surgeon. Now unfortunately, with respect to the district surgeons concerned, various reports have been coming through to us that people are not being examined properly. As a result our team which looks at the medical report is solely dependent on the outcome of the application one way or the other. I can appreciate that this could be possible because of the limited number of district surgeons that we have in this country. They are not given the full opportunity or the time to give their full attention to the applicant concerned. When this appears before our panel which looks at this application, if the reports are not complete they are unfortunately refused at the expense of the grantee. We have had several cases like that come up and I believe that there really is a need for additional full-time district surgeons of colour.
When one looks at the figures of full-time district surgeons—I think I heard my hon colleague Mr Y I Seedat mention this—if one analyses them on an ethnic basis one sees that there are 142 White district surgeons, 15 Coloured, four Indians and no Blacks working for the Department of National Health and Population Development. In the House of Delegates there are eight full-time district surgeons, in the House of Assembly there are 20, and six in the House of Representatives. However, when we come to part-time district surgeons we find that they are appointed by the Provincial Administration and they make up a total of 106. In Natal there are 41 part-time district surgeons of whom eight are Indians.
There are other study group notes. I think that has already been stated by the hon Mr Y Seedat. If one looks at the number of district surgeons we have at present, if one makes an ethnic analyses one sees that we have a total of 40 posts for district surgeons of which only 19 have been filled. With regard to session appointments there are 13 with nine vacant. I think as far as the sessional appointments are concerned there are 112 private part-time practitioners. In our administration we have eight full-time district surgeons. Five are based in Natal—one in Durban and two in Chatsworth. We have a total of five part-time district surgeons and on session seven are in Maritzburg, five in Chatsworth and one in Cape Town.
I fully support the view that we should certainly employ as many part-time or sessional district surgeons as possible in order to try to obtain a better service for our community. Over and above that I think as I mentioned earlier hon members will appreciate, as far as the question of disability grants is concerned, that people who are living in distant areas are caused a tremendous inconvenience because the district surgeons are only available on certain days. I am of the opinion that the call made by my hon colleague Mr Y I Seedat is in the best interests of the community at large.
For that reason I want to strongly support the call for additional district surgeons to be appointed on merit on a full-time basis, a part-time basis or on some other basis.
Mr Chairman, I want to echo the feelings of the hon member for Phoenix that this matter seems to be a hardy annual. I do not know whether the hon the Minister enjoys coming to this House but I would prefer him to come to this House and engage in another debate—and one hopes that the problems associated with this debate will have been resolved to the satisfaction of all parties concerned. If he does that we shall indeed be indebted to him.
Talking of being indebted, I think it is only fair for me to make certain acknowledgements at this stage. I would like to acknowledge the role played by the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare in the House of Delegates with regard to the quick and positive manner in which he responded to my invitation to visit my constituency during the floods. My constituents were pleased with his prompt action, especially when certain victims of the floods in Tugela were being denied assistance. The hon the Minister attended to that problem telephonically through his department and I would like to convey my constituents’ appreciation for that particular action taken by the hon the Minister.
I would also like to acknowledge the role played by the hon the Minister of Health in resolving the issue of post-mortems in the Stanger area to the satisfaction of the people there. They are pleased and indeed the letter that emanated from his department has been placed on certain notice boards in town, so that is a plus for the department and for participation.
I was a little unhappy to hear that the hon the Minister of Local Government and Agriculture in the House of Delegates had complained again because in the last debate he entered he said that he found Stanger to be a most difficult town, unlike his own constituency. Today, however, I believe he is having problems in his own constituency, too. He referred to Newcastle and Glencoe. Mr Chairman, I would like you to pay attention to that particular area as well because I probably share the frustration the hon the Minister is experiencing. It is nice to know that we are not the only ones who come from a town in which the district surgeon might at one time have been a little insensitive. There are other insensitive people elsewhere.
I also want to comment on the question of “Coloured”. When my daughter was very young and did not understand the whole question of ethnicity and race, she asked me why people were referred to as White, Coloured, Indian and Black. She could understand Black because of the pigmentation of the skin; she could understand the Brown people being referred to as Indians because of their pigmentation; but she could not understand why Whites were referred to as Whites. She said: “But Daddy, they should be referred to as Coloureds. If you look at them, some of them have blond hair and some of them have brown hair, some of them have blue eyes and some have green eyes, and some of them are different shades of pink. I think it is unfair for them to be called White because that is not true. They are not all White. They are the people that should be referred to as Coloureds.” This just goes to show that this whole question of colour and pigmentation is all in the mind.
To take this one step further, trying to entrench ethnicity as an own affair only compounds the issue.
I speak in support of the amendment moved by the hon member for Phoenix. I am not unmindful of the frustration and the sentiments expressed by the hon member Mr Seedat. I would just like to share a few thoughts in this particular regard. I think that, basically, when district surgeons were appointed in the old days it was as sure as sunrise and sunset that a person who was White would get the appointment. I hail from Stanger and I know that even if there were half a dozen Indian doctors in practice for many years, they would never be appointed, even if they applied. If a new graduate who wished to go into private practice after hospital internship came into town, and if he was White, as sure as sunrise and sunset he would be the district surgeon for that town.
Indeed, there was a time when an elderly Indian doctor had to act as district surgeon because there were no Whites in town.
This has changed certain perceptions, the perception being that this was a position reserved exclusively for people with a White background. I think some progress has been made with efforts to get rid of that, because I think statistics provided earlier show that certain Indians and people of colour—regardless of what my colleague the hon member for Springfield says, people other than White are referred to in general terms as people of colour—have been given an opportunity in some respects. I do not think enough has been done to give them an equitable opportunity. I believe in merit appointments, and I believe in an equitable opportunity for people, regardless of race. They must have the opportunity to be appointed. I do not believe appointments should have a political flavour; this should not be a political consideration.
This brings me to another perception. We find that when district surgeons were appointed on a part-time basis, especially the young White doctor in the old days, the appointment as district surgeon was, to him, an opportunity to build up towards and enter private practice. Many of them who might not have been very successful in private practice elsewhere, as soon as they moved into a town where they had the appointment as district surgeon, were thereby given an added advantage and a base from which to improve their private practice and thereby make a very handsome living our of their practices.
I should like to ask the hon the Minister—who is a medical doctor himself—a question. We often have this problem of people complaining to us, as members of Parliament, that they have not been getting a fair assessment of their disabilities by the district surgeon. Their family doctor and other practitioners will give them a certificate certifying that the person is disabled. I want to know whether doctors are supposed to be dishonest people. Is the opinion of one doctor not accepted as a fair assessment and opinion? The district surgeon here act as an umpire and turns it down, and I have known of cases—I do not wish to quote specific cases or examples—where, when the matter is taken on review, the grant is reinstated.
In the first place, it seems that there might have been some problem with the assessment by the district surgeon. This creates distract as far as the district surgeon himself is concerned, and I believe there should be some way of reviewing this particular issue. A medical practitioner’s word must be accepted by the department.
I have a suggestion to make. I do not wish to repeat the functions of the district surgeon that the hon Mr Seedat referred to earlier on. I have made the suggestion before and I should like to know from the hon the Minister whether he has had the opportunity of looking into this. Since there are many areas where there are State hospitals and provincial hospitals. Why can a district surgeon not be attached to a hospital? By doing so, one would remove the pressure on a practitioner who is doing it on a part-time basis or a practitioner doing this on a full-time basis, where he might be the sole practitioner. I believe that if the post is attached to a hospital, he would have other doctors and medical practitioners in the hospital who could help and, in fact, complement his role as a district surgeon. I think serious consideration ought to be given to the appointment of a district surgeon attached to a hospital where hospitals do exist or where clinics do exist. In that way the workload could be shared and the availability of medical services from a district surgeon would be almost on a 24 hour basis, since one of his colleagues could stand in for the appointed district surgeon.
I think enough has been said on this particular issue and there is no need for me to repeat any of it. In conclusion I make an earnest appeal that South Africa move towards a single ministry of health, as the concept of own affairs will be counter-productive. In order to ensure that we have one common policy applicable to all people of South Africa, a single ministry of health would be the answer.
Mr Chairman, I rise in support of the motion moved by my colleague the hon member Mr Seedat, who normally does a thorough job when he proposes a motion. I agree with some of the utterances of the hon the Acting Leader of the Official Opposition. We ask for the situation not to be Indianised. Traditionally district surgeons have always been appointed from the White community and it is time that the department also looked at the other communities in this regard. Of course we ask that merit be one of the main criteria in such selections.
The district surgeon has a difficult job to perform and is quite often asked to perform autopsies over weekends where the bereaved families are normally in a hurry to get this over with. However, the district surgeon has to bear several things in mind, one of which is that quite often most of us tend to cremate the bodies, with the result that if there is any malpractice there would be no evidence thereafter when subsequent problems occur.
Are you speaking from experience?
I speak with some degree of knowledge in this matter. This sort of thing has happened before. District surgeons may be doubtful whether they should clear a body or hold it back until the post-mortem can be performed under better conditions and circumstances. One also has to bear in mind that district surgeons have to perform these autopsies in the light of day, which is an important factor. The hon member for Springfield does look sceptical, but I assure him that my information is correct.
We bow to the hon member’s greater knowledge.
Since the hon member says this, I would also like to remind him that there are various legal aspects which district surgeons have to consider. Therefore they have a difficult job to perform.
Police reports.
Yes, police reports as well. We experienced difficulties with the district surgeon at Chatsworth, where I called upon him on a Saturday afternoon. I requested him urgently to come out and do an autopsy, which he refused to do. He hinted to me that it was his weekend off and anyway he did not get paid to do this and therefore he was not going to do it. I said that I was asking him on humanitarian grounds. He was equally adamant and still refused to do it.
How long ago?
This was, early last year. I then contacted the previous Minister of National Health and Population Development, who telephoned the district surgeon of Pretoria and virtually instructed him to carry out a post-mortem which the latter did the very next day, rather meekly and submissively. Afterwards he had to report to the Minister, upon which the Minister telephoned me on the Sunday morning to tell me that the post-mortem had been conducted. I was very grateful for this and in one of the subsequent debates I mentioned this with appreciation. However, this district surgeon refused to do it on humanitarian grounds, but when the Minister told him to he did it rather submissively.
That was his boss.
His boss, yes, but I asked him to do it on humanitarian grounds. Being an Indian, I thought he would be more compassionate. However, I am not criticising the Indian doctors in general. I must also place something on record concerning the then Minister of Health Services and Welfare, the present hon member for North Western Cape.
On various occasions when I approached him he went out of his way to help resolve the problem successfully.
Coming back to this notice of motion, I support it and prevail upon the hon the Minister to take heed of the motion as proposed.
Mr Chairman, first of all I want to associate myself with the good wishes expressed by various hon members to the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development in connection with the excellent work that is being done in order to assist those people who suffered during the recent floods. I also want to convey my appreciation to our own hon Minister of Health Services and Welfare for the excellent work which he, too, has done in assisting those people who reside in areas under the jurisdiction of the House of Delegates.
A great deal has been said about own affairs and general affairs. I heard an hon member stand up in this House and say that when there had been problems in his area previously, that is to say before the tricameral Parliament was established, he could scream and shout but very little if anything was done about them. However, there is a difference. I do not think we have many Health Ministers in this country; I think we have only one Minister of Health. My colleague, the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development, is nodding and therefore he agrees with me that there is a single Health Ministry. However, there is a difference.
Even previously, when we did not have the own affairs administrations, one did not find a provincial MEC acting as a provincial Minister of Health. He was in charge of services. Therefore, unlike education, where one does not have a Minister of educational services, one does have a Minister of Health Services and that Minister of Health Services is in charge of providing services in the area under the jurisdiction of a particular administration. I think that serves as an answer to the amendment. We actually have one Minister of Health in this country. Of course, he is also in charge of a committee that determines common norms, common criteria and national standards in terms of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, and that is a good thing.
Reference was also made—and I want to mention this because I am the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council of the House of Delegates—to the fragmentation of health services. Although it is not really relevant, I think that because it was mentioned, I want to suggest to hon members that they study the national plan which was outlined by the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development. I do not think we should be purists. We must not be idealists who always adopt an ideological stance. When one compares the floods and the type of relief one received after August 1984 to the situation prevailing before that time, one realises that with regard to the question of post-mortems, the difficulty in getting district surgeons to perform autopsies in the event of deaths posed a big problem before August 1984. I think we highlighted this problem at every plenary session of the South African Indian Council. We adopted resolution after resolution with absolutely no success whatsoever. However, the fact that we now have a Minister of Health Services and Welfare taking care of the areas under the jurisdiction of this House, has brought about some changes.
We have heard about Stanger—the annual cry in Stanger—and we have heard about the problems in Chatsworth. It was not only the hon member for Moorcross who experienced problems in Chatsworth. I experienced problems in Chatsworth on numerous occasions. It was embarrassing to the civic leaders, to the political heads in the area, not to be able to be of service to the community.
However, the hon member Mr Seedat was practical and realistic and has taken into consideration the real situation by putting forward a practical solution to a problem.
This motion, which I support wholeheartedly— and it is not merely a motion of the hon member Mr Seedat, but of the majority party of this House—takes into consideration not only the real situation, but the history of this country. We have always complained about the inequalities of opportunity. I am glad that in his motivation the mover, the hon member Mr Seedat, very clearly stated that he does not support the appointment of people on other consideration than merit, but at the same time we must realise that South Africa is a country where things have been done, and are still being done, on a group basis. As a result of this historical fact, some people have an advantage over others.
I listened to the radio this morning, to a report on doctors treating patients according to their racial attitudes. During the few minutes I listened I heard that somebody conducted a survey which reveals that 32% of the doctors in the Pretoria region would not treat a patient of another colour, on racial grounds. Of course this also happens in the United States of America. One cannot ignore religious and cultural factors. If a member of the Hindu community gets measles, they want to go to a doctor who will understand them from a religious and cultural point of view. Therefore one cannot ignore the religious and cultural factors in respect of meting out treatment. I know the hon member for Montford will also agree with me. He will not disagree.
Referring to own affairs, I want to repeat what I have said before. Own affairs means provision of services in one’s area. Likewise, we are asked why an Indian qualified magistrate is appointed in Indian areas only. If he is qualified and is appointed on merit, why should he not be appointed in another area? I think the question of post mortems may, in terms of the Constitution, be a jurisdictional matter, but I think the hon member Mr Seedat pointed out quite correctly that there is a problem regarding a person who meets with an accident outside the area of jurisdiction of the House of Delegates. From practical experience we know that we are confronted with problems of this kind.
I think the amendment proposed by the hon member for Phoenix is far-fetched. It is unfortunate that I cannot lay my hand on copies of Hansard of other debates where he really took into consideration the real and practical considerations in this country. The hon member for Phoenix quoted an example in Queensburgh. I want to tell the him that long after he stopped seeing that doctor he still practised apartheid. He had two entrances: A cosy, excellent entrance in front, with a beautiful waiting room, and another entrance for non-Whites, completely at the back of his surgery with a poky little waiting room.
I have personally witnessed a request made to that doctor to allow an Indian patient suffering from a stroke to enter his surgery through the shortest route possible but he refused it. I will not say to which political party that hon doctor belonged but he was actively supporting a political party that has recently had an addition of three members. [Interjections.]
I want to say that we should not split hairs and we should not be too technical. What we heard in the House this afternoon and previously was nothing but praise that our post-mortem problems have to a large extent been resolved. One may argue against my statement that it was resolved by a national Minister. However, it was solved by a national Minister because we were given the opportunity of talking to that hon national Minister in the same Chamber instead of shouting to him from a distance in Durban, Actonville etc.
From this side of the House we unanimously support the motion. Although it has an element of group character in its formulation it is a notice of motion that recognises the realities of the situation in this country.
Mr Chairman, on a basis of principle I take exception to the kind of motion that is presented by the ruling party in this House. If hon members follow my argument they will be able to distinguish between sense and nonsense as easily as they can distinguish between black and white.
Last Thursday we debated the issue of the development of Clairwood for the second time in this House. I am not casting any aspersions whatsoever on the hon member for Isipingo who moved the motion.
What is your case? What did I do to you?
On the contrary! I hasten to compliment the hon member on his efforts to revive an issue that was forgotten for far too long.
At the same time one asks what the efforts of the Ministers’ Council were from 1985 onwards when the question of Clairwood was first discussed. The answer is: Nothing.
Coming to the motion on district surgeons before the House today, I want to say that much of it is a repetition. Nobody can deny that this debate is largely a repeat performance of what we have already debated previously. I sometimes wonder if the ruling party has become bankrupt in so far as new and pace-setting motions and ideas are concerned that will give this House the necessary image to evoke confidence in the people. What we do instead, is to discuss the same issues over and over again. [Interjections.] Furthermore, we see no results.
I want to analyse the motion before the House somewhat cursorily. No one will deny that the need for district surgeons. The need for their services on religious holidays were discussed, emphasised and a decision was even taken. I want to go so far as to say that it was none other than the former hon Minister of Health Services and Welfare in this House, who is at present the hon the Minister of the Budget, who resolved this issue to the satisfaction of everyone in this House. I think he came here one day to announce that this matter had been resolved and that a district surgeon would be made available for post mortems on Sundays. We are again raising this issue.
Looking at subsections 1 and 2, I really do not think that they call for a debate in this House. Both of these matters could have been taken up administratively by the Ministers’ Council. The hon the Minister of Local Government and Agriculture—unfortunately he is not present— made a speech with a melancholy note. He gave the impression that all his noble efforts to obtain the services of district surgeons had been unsuccessful.
Here again this afternoon the hon the Minister of Local Government and Agriculture makes an appeal to the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development for his favour. We note his appeal and we also note his predicament, but the question we ask is why must he find himself in this predicament? Has he brought this issue before the Ministers’ Council and have decisions been taken? Have those decisions been directed to the right quarters? What are the replies? If we have had negative replies from the other hon Ministers then I think we can take umbrage. If we have failed to find other avenues of satisfaction, let it be brought to the House for a debate.
If these issues had been taken up administratively—I think hon members will agree with me—I want to assure hon members that they would have been resolved. I say this quite emphatically. I feel hopeful that when the hon the Minister of National Health and Population Development replies soon, he will indicate that the problems are not as great as some hon members on the other side have made out to be this afternoon.
I now want to come to the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council. He said that there is only one Minister of Health. The other day he indicated that there is only one Minister of Education. I accept this to a point. I agree that there is only one Minister of National Health and one Minister of National Education but no one must say that there is only one minister for health or only one minister for education. If these so-called Ministers of Health Services and Welfare and Ministers of Education and Culture are not Ministers then what are they? Are these Ministries really redundant? For what purposes have these positions with a magnificent salary been created?
The taxpayers’ money is being spent uselessly on a particular purpose of a particular ideology to have these Ministers in the three different Houses. It is not one House; it is three different Houses. I would go even further by saying that there are even more than three different Houses if one takes the Black community and the homelands into account.
We must not make a mockery of the prevailing situation. I want to be a realist. [Interjections.] We must be realists. What is the reality of the situation?
I have to refer to the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council once again. He says we are being idealistic and puristic in this regard. I say no, we are being realistic in this regard and I think there is much wisdom in being realistic in a situation.
The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council said the amendment was far fetched. I cannot accept this. If one is being realistic, one should not have antediluvian views in the practice of modern medicine and modern technology. I think we should move towards the present.
There is a great deal of wisdom. Sometimes the ruling party, because of their numbers and the caucus’s decision, will get away with murder. I am sorry. [Interjections.] I use this figuratively.
I support the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council to the hilt when he says we should have only one Minister of Health in this country. Right! This is exactly what the hon member for Phoenix said.
Do you include education, too? One Education Minister?
Yes, of course.
What the hon member for Phoenix has rightly emphasised in his amendment is that “consideration should be given to the establishment of a single Ministry of Health in the RSA and further calls upon the Minister of National Health and Population Development to appoint persons as district surgeons regardless of race, colour or sex”. When we begin to think along those lines, we begin to live the life of a real South African, a South African who would be patriotic to the core, not only paying lip service to patriotism but being patriotic in all his actions and in all the practices we want to be carried out in this country.
I really do not think we can deceive ourselves any longer by emphasising these ethnic and cultural, shall I say, institutions? Yes, to a point.
Did you say that when you were an inspector of Indian schools?
What does that have to do with what I have just said? [Interjections.] What does that have to do with the price of eggs in Parade? This is the thing. We are making a mockery of our place in this House as members of Parliament who are representing a community which has high aspirations. There is no doubt about that. The Indian community—let us not deceive ourselves—has very high aspirations, as high as those of any other community in this country. I think that we as members of Parliament should help the community meet those aspirations and in order to meet those aspirations we must not give up. I of course value my culture and my religion, and hon members value theirs, as the hon member Mr Seedat indicated, and he did this in no uncertain terms. When it comes to the practice of modern medicine and technology, however, how important are those trivial differences?
Mr Chairman, the hon member for Cavendish just said “trivial matters” when he referred to different religious affiliations. I want the hon member to know or to tell me whether I am incorrect …
Order! Is the hon member Mr Seedat asking a question?
Will the hon member for Cavendish accept from me that the motivation behind requesting that district surgeons be appointed from outside the White population, and also that their religious affiliations be taken into account, was a direct result of what was told to me by a district surgeon? I was told that a situation could arise in which persons belonging to the Christian faith may not be available to conduct post mortems on their sabbath.
One has to grow up at some time. We do not swallow everything we hear, be it from a district surgeon or from a professor of the University of Stellenbosch or the Witwatersrand. This is our dilemma. A student, be he Black, Indian, Coloured or White, goes to the medical faculty of the University of Stellenbosch or that of the University of Natal or Witwatersrand, and what is the recipe he comes out with? What is the certificate he comes out with? Does it say that the student in question has satisfied the requirements for a medical degree, etc, with what he calls an Indian flavour, a Coloured flavour, a Black flavour or a White flavour? Or does it simply say that he has mastered that field and that he is now qualified to render service in that field?
We can understand the situation. If someone came to my house 75 years ago—let us assume it was a medical doctor who could only speak English—my grandmother would have been able to understand. In fact, she only knew pidgin English. Probably there was a need for an interpreter, and my mother or father could have done that! This is what I mean by trivialities—I do not want my hon friend to take umbrage.
However, we do not want to sacrifice the importance and the essence of merit or technical or cultural medical practices.
Mr Chairman, I shall come back to the hon member for Cavendish in due course, but I think that first of all I should like to congratulate some of the hon members of this House. First of all I wish to say to you, Mr Chairman, that this is my first appearance in this House this year and I should like to congratulate you on your position as Chairman. I should like to say—I am sure that everyone else in this House agrees with me—that you fit the Chair. I am sure that you will be an excellent Chairman in the months and years to come.
I should like to congratulate the hon member for Lenasia Central on the birth of his daughter. The hon member will understand that I am always pleased when a daughter is born, since I am in fact a gynaecologist, and the more daughters, the better for gynaecologists! [Interjections.]
I should like to congratulate the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council on the new environment in which his House meets. I must say that I think it is quite nice. There is one thing I do observe, however, and that is that in this House there are either front benches or back benches, and nothing in between. Thus someone can come in as a backbencher, and can immediately go to a front bench. It is a unique House. There is nothing in-between. I think this is something which makes this House unique.
When I say this House is unique, I also say so because of the motion in front of us. There is no doubt about it—and the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council has said this—that what we have achieved in South Africa over the past number of years has been achieved because of debates in this Parliament, and of course, in this House; also as far as health matters are concerned. However I shall be dealing with that in a minute.
While on the subject of congratulations, I do not know whether I should congratulate the hon member for Springfield and his party on their marriage or pending marriage with the PFP. I do not know whether it is an engagement or merely a flirtation—I do not how far it has developed.
I hear that they are unwanted in the caucus!
It seems to me that the point is that no concrete announcements can be made at this stage.
In referring to the motion by the hon member Mr Seedat I would like to say that I do not agree with the hon member for Cavendish when he says that this is a repetitive, poor performance. It really is not, because there are some very important issues at stake here.
The first important issue that we should discuss is the role of the district surgeon in South Africa. In this regard the hon member Mr Seedat has done us a service by very meticulously and in a very erudite way explaining the exact differences between a district surgeon and an ordinary medical officer. He focussed on what is entailed by the workload and the specifics of the day-to-day work of a district surgeon. The problem is that medical jurisprudence is a very important aspect of the work of a district surgeon. For that reason it is not very attractive to doctors in South Africa.
It may interest the hon members of this House that forensic pathology is a very important part of the district surgeon’s work, but that South Africa has only 14 such specialists—only 14; it is the smallest group. Therefore, especially the advertisers of the vacancies for full-time district surgeons sometimes do not even receive one application. That is our problem. Unfortunately that part of the district surgeon’s work is unattractive to so many of our doctors.
The hon member Mr Seedat has explained in detail the workload of a district surgeon, differentiating between part-time and full-time, quoting figures which I agree with. He asked how these vacancies are advertised. As with any other vacancies, they are advertised in the papers as well as in the medical journals. In the advertisements it is not stated who should apply, which is very important. We do not say this and we only stipulate what the qualifications should be.
His second question concerned who makes the ultimate appointment, the answer to which depends upon which administration is concerned. In my administration the Director-General would be that person. As far as the House of Delegates is concerned, it would be the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare.
The hon member then asks whether a White can apply to work in Guguletu. The answer is “yes”. Likewise a Black can apply for a job in Houghton. It depends entirely on the qualifications and the merit. We should take another look at the situation which was mentioned concerning the provinces. It is important that in the provincial administration we should not only have curative medicine, especially for our Black citizens in South Africa, but also preventative medicine, as well as the forensic pathology area in that particular province.
That is the reason why the provinces have district surgeons. However, they mainly have part-time district surgeons to attend to indigent patients throughout South Africa.
I now want to turn to post-mortems. The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council and certain other hon members referred to these, and I am grateful for what they have said because we now have a service which, as the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare has said, is not temporary, but which is fully operational. Last year 1060 post-mortems were performed and 820 of these were performed in mortuaries with an after-hours service, that is to say in Durban, Chatsworth, Verulam, Cape Town, Pietermaritzburg, Stanger, Johannesburg and Pretoria. I am grateful to be able to say that this is actually something that was resolved in this House, although not only in this House. It was also resolved in the National Health Policy Council.
The National Health Policy Council is something of which I think hon members of this House should take note because it consists of the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare in this House and the Health Ministers in the other two Houses, as well as myself. There are four of us on the council and that is where policy is made with regard to health matters, and I think that is very important. Therefore everyone has an opportunity to make a contribution in so far as policy is concerned.
I must say that I disagree wholeheartedly with the statement that so-called doctors of colour are discriminated against. Having said that, I should like to back up my statement with some figures. I should also like to tell hon members that one of our most important senior Cabinet Ministers was treated the other day at the Tygerberg Hospital …
By my namesake.
Yes, by the hon the Minister’s namesake. That is something which I think should be taken note of.
When we look at the figures pertaining to hospital services in the province of Natal, we see that there are 1262 doctors. Among them are 620 White, 594 Indian, 18 Coloured and 30 Black doctors. There are 620 Whites and 594 Indians, which is approximately the same number. There is a difference of 26. In other words, one could say there is a 50-50 situation and therefore I must say once again …
Mr Chairman, may I ask the hon the Minister whether or not he would agree that the majority of those doctors—almost 500 of them—who are employed in the Natal hospitals are doctors with restricted qualifications, that is to say doctors who qualified overseas and who obtained restricted admission from the Medical Council, in that it is a condition of their employment that they may only be employed in a public hospital and nowhere else?
The answer to that question is that it is not true that the greater proportion of these 594 doctors are restricted. It is not true because to the best of my knowledge the number of doctors throughout South Africa who are restricted at the present moment, is approximately 62. However, I shall look into this matter and come back to the hon member for Camperdown.
However, I think the point I want to make is a valid one, and that is that there is no discrimination. In answering the hon member Mr Seedat I think that is quite a valid point.
The hon member for Phoenix said that there should be a single Minister of Health. I think the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council dealt effectively with that statement.
He mentioned better communication between doctors and patients. He said this was important, and it is true that one should strive to achieve the optimum degree of communication between doctors and patients. I should like to tell hon members, however, that one important facet of communication with the patient is the language of the patient.
There is no doubt about that. Therefore, when one can speak the language of the patient, the communication is always better. For that reason language plays an important role in the environment in which certain doctors practice. For instance, I can speak a little Sotho and for that reason I had many Sotho patients. However, it would not help me to address hon members in Sotho.
The hon member for Phoenix referred to post mortems. He appreciates the situation and I thank him for that.
Mr Chairman, I would like to ask the hon the Minister a question. If I were to take the hon the Minister’s argument to its logical conclusion—by his own admission there are 30 Black doctors—is he suggesting from a language point of view, that there should be more Black doctors than White and Indian doctors, because the bulk of the patients are Black?
There is no doubt, Mr Chairman, in answering the hon member for Stanger, that there is nothing that would please me more than to see more Black doctors in South Africa.
I want to thank the hon the Minister of Local Government and Agriculture for his kind words regarding the work we are doing in the area of flood relief. While I mention that, I must mention, regarding the whole flood relief situation in Natal, the excellent contribution which was made by the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council in the planning of the relief in certain parts of Natal, and secondly, the excellent work done by the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare. He travelled the whole of Natal and even went up to Ladysmith to hand out cheques to members of the public who had problems in that area.
The hon the Minister gave a résumé of the work of district surgeons. He referred to a problem in Glencoe. We will go into the problem he mentioned with that particular district surgeon. He also mentioned Newcastle, Eshowe and Empangeni. The problem is of course that one would like to have this 24-hour service in every city and town of South Africa, but there is a difference between what one would like to have and what is practical. I agree entirely with the hon the Minister that if it were possible, it would be wonderful, but I doubt whether it is possible, because of the size of those three towns.
I would like to thank the hon member for Springfield for the appreciation he expressed regarding the disaster relief management. Of course I have known the hon member for Springfield for many years. It is also interesting—and I thank him for that—that he says that there are no real problems as far as post-mortems are concerned at the present moment. This is true.
The hon member speaks of an entrenchment of own affairs. Of course that is the old hobby-horse which, we all know, is always mentioned. Let me put it to hon members this way: There is no better way in which service has been rendered to the Indian community, than by this House and this Ministers’ Council. This is a fact.
I agree entirely that the concept of “people of colour” as a term is really a misnomer. One should talk about population groups and be more specific. However, I think the hon member for Springfield will agree with me that, as the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council said, we cannot negate the importance of culture and religion in certain areas. It is important. Whether it is overwhelmingly important, or at what level it is important, is debatable.
I agree entirely with the hon member that merit is and should be the only factor that is taken into account when we appoint people. Affirmative action is fine when they are all equally meritorious but we have a problem if that is not the case.
The hon member said that not a single Black doctor has been appointed but there is not a Black doctor today with a diploma in medical jurisprudence or in forensic pathology. That is our problem. I think this answers most of the matters raised by the hon member for Springfield. I also want to thank him for his contribution.
The hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare clarified the position with regard to post-mortems very well. I want to thank him for the important role that he plays in the day-to-day management of the post-mortem situation in all the cities. He plays a very important role and I want to thank him for that.
We have seen again this afternoon how important it is that we should talk about these issues in this House because it is only through discussing them here that we can reach certain conclusions and then apply them in practice. The ones who will derive the benefit from this are the people, and that is what democracy is all about.
The hon the Minister asked whether this service will be continued. Yes, it will indeed. He also spoke about disability grantees and the fact that they have not been examined properly at times. We will definitely look into this matter. It was also mentioned by the hon member for Stanger who referred to the problem of the examination of disability grantees.
The answer here is that it is true that doctors do differ sometimes in their diagnosis. However, patients always have the opportunity if they should feel that they have not been properly examined or dealt with in a professional way to write to the SA Medical and Dental Council. They can write to the council and say that one doctor said this and another doctor said that and that they feel they have not been dealt with professionally. However, one must always remember that doctors do differ at times. It is for that reason that we have specialists and they can be referred to at all times.
I would like to thank the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare for giving the accurate figures of the various administrations. I agree with him that more use should be made of part-time and sessional district surgeons—there is no doubt about that.
The hon member for Stanger referred to the good work that the hon the Minister of Health Services and Welfare did in the disaster areas and I agree entirely with the hon member. He also mentioned the issue of referring to so-called “people of colour”. In the old days this might have been discrimination but not today. I have already dealt with that matter in more detail. Equitable opportunities are definitely being created today. It is true that the appointment of district surgeons created a financial basis but nowadays we are more inclined in certain areas to make full-time instead of part-time appointments. However, the hon member is right. I must add that the present financial remuneration package is far smaller than the previous one which means that they are not doing very well at present. This worries us and it is also the reason why not enough people apply for jobs.
The hon member asked me about fair examinations by district surgeons. I think I dealt with that when I answered the hon the Minister.
Attaching them to hospitals?
Yes, I think the hon member made a very good point when he said that it could be well be a good idea to have district surgeons in hospitals. I think it is a good idea because, as I said in the beginning, the National Health Policy Council is thinking along the lines of integrating the various functions of health services, ie curative, preventative and also medical jurisprudence. It is true that a person who is raped goes to hospital and she could also be examined there.
I think that is a very practical point the hon member has made and the National Health Policy Council on which the Ministers of Health Services sit will, I am sure, look into this matter when it meets again.
I now want to come to the hon member for Moorcross. I see he has crossed the floor as I no longer see him on this side of the House! [Interjections.]
He is the Chief Whip.
Yes, I know the hon member is the Chief Whip, I am just joking.
The hon member for Moorcross said that district surgeons should also be appointed outside the White group and I agree with that. I have dealt with that.
He referred to the difficulties experienced by practising district surgeons because of cremations. The hon member for Moorcross is so right and I am glad that he made this point. This is one of the most difficult areas of a district surgeon’s work. He has the total responsibility for deciding whether there is any reason to suspect criminal intervention in a situation. It is a very important decision because he must then decide whether he should take samples for analysis for poison in the blood or the gastric juices, as the hon member will know. It is a very difficult area because if the body is going to be cremated the evidence will be destroyed. For that reason all of us should have some compassion for the tremendous pressures experienced by the district surgeons. They have to make these important decisions at very short notice and this is a very important aspect which the hon member for Moorcross has pointed out.
The Chatsworth case happened early last year and I am sure that that will not happen again. I am sure the hon member will agree with me.
I must thank the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council first of all for his congratulations as far as the disaster relief work is concerned. I must also congratulate him on the way in which he explained to the House the importance of religious and cultural factors and the importance of the work that the Ministers’ Council is doing. There is no way in which we can negate what has been achieved by this council insofar as housing and health services for the Indian population are concerned. There is no way in which anybody can negate the importance of the contribution made by the hon the Chairman in the Cabinet. It is a pleasure for me to say that it is a very important contribution.
I think that everyone should read the National Health Plan again because it will show hon members that there really is no great fragmentation as far as that is concerned.
The hon member for Cavendish referred to the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council when he said that there is only one Minister of National Health. That is true but these are semantics. However, what the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council meant is important and that is that there is only one Minister who has the duties of the Minister of National Health, and that is myself. The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council pointed out that the National Health Policy Council is the important council which is dealing with policy as far as health matters are concerned and that the services are being carried out by the various Ministers’ Councils and the provincial administrations. I think that is a very valid point.
There is only one aspect that the hon member for Cavendish mentioned which I should like to deal with. It is always a pleasure to listen to him, being an old inspector of schools. He referred to the modern technology of medicine. It is true that diseases know no boundary and it is true that a mosquito will bite anybody. However, one thing that stands out even in modem technology is the importance of language. If one is lying in an intensive care unit one would like to speak to somebody who would understand one rather than to an interpreter. There is no doubt about that.
We as doctors know the difficulty of working through an interpreter. Interpreters sometimes do not understand the patient, or do not understand the doctor. It is far more difficult to communicate if we do not understand the language. Mr Chairman, you as Chairman know how difficult it is; even in this House, where people speak one language they misunderstand one another. Is this not true? As hon members can see, even with one language people can misunderstand one an other. Communication is therefore a very difficult and complicated aspect.
I would like to sum up by saying that I am grateful to the hon member Mr Seedat for his motion in this House. I think I have dealt with all three of his points. I think I have dealt with what every hon member has said. I would like to conclude by saying that I will see to it that any person of any colour, religion or creed whatsoever with a diploma in forensic pathology or in medical jurisprudence will get an appointment, because we need people with these qualifications. Regardless of who they are, we need them. For that reason I can state categorically in this House that I will see to it that such a person gets an appointment.
Mr Chairman, will the hon the Minister take another question?
It is always a pleasure to take a question from the hon member for Stanger.
Order! The hon the Minister takes pleasure in answering questions. The hon member for Stanger may proceed.
Just for my information—and I am sure my colleagues would appreciate this, too—are those who have been appointed as part-time district surgeons in fact in possession of the qualifications the hon the Minister referred to? Do they all have those qualifications?
That is a good question and I would like to answer it. The diploma which is issued by the South African College of Medicine is at all times a very high recommendation for an appointment. That is what I said. I am doing two things. Firstly, I want more doctors to take the diploma because we will then have better district surgeons, and secondly, I said that I would guarantee anybody with such a diploma a job because there is such a need for them. I think that answers the hon member’s question.
To sum up again, I would like to congratulate the hon member Mr Seedat on his motion. I think it is an important motion and I think that all hon members who participated in this debate have been answered. It was a great pleasure for me, as the Minister in charge of this particular problem, to be here in the House this afternoon.
Question put: That all the words after “That” stand part of the Question.
Question declared affirmed and amendment dropped.
Main question agreed to.
Mr Chairman, I move:
Mr Chairman, on a point of order: I want to object to the fact that the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council is now speaking to a motion which differs materially from the motion of which he gave notice in this House last week.
In support of that contention I wish to state that as far as I am aware, the notice of motion which the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council gave this House last week read as follows:
This notice of motion was printed on the original Order Paper. Then, however, I found that there had been a reprint. I wish to record that I was not present in this House when the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council in fact gave notice of the motion. On account of that, I checked the words of the Notice of Motion by doing something which I have been told was irregular—I freely accept that. The fact remains, however, that the Hansard recording of the Notice of Motion supports my contention that the Notice of Motion differs materially from the Notice of Motion to which the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council now proposes to speak. I should therefore like your ruling in this regard, Mr Chairman.
Order! I have taken note of the point of order taken by the hon member for Springfield. I am aware of these facts and I wish to advise the hon member for Springfield that I have taken note of the argument he has put forward. I wish to bring the following to his notice: With respect to alterations authorised by the member in charge, in this case the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council, it is specified that while a notice of motion stands on the Order Paper, the member in charge or, if he is absent, a member authorised by him, may authorise the Secretary to make verbal alterations. These comments come from Erskine May, and therefore I will have to disallow the point of order raised by the hon member for Springfield.
Mr Chairman, if that be your ruling, I would merely like to say that quite obviously I accept your authority in this House. I have not had the opportunity of consulting Erskine May, but with great respect I should like to place on record my objection to your ruling, and I should like to place on record the fact that I reserve all my rights in that regard.
Order! I should like to advise the hon member for Springfield that in practice, what could have happened is that the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council could have withdrawn the notice that he had originally given, and then reintroduced it in the form in which it has been done. I should like to refer the hon member for Springfield to Erskine May, page 377, where he will no doubt find the correct guidance.
Mr Chairman, I accept your statement that the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council could have withdrawn his original notice of motion and could therefore have presented this House with an amended notice of motion. I merely wish to record that that did not, in fact, occur.
Order! That is quite in order.
Mr Chairman, on a point of order: On behalf of Solidarity I wish to record our objection. We associate ourselves fully with the sentiments expressed by the hon member for Springfield.
Mr Chairman, the scope of the amendment is so narrow that one is really restricted to …
Mr Chairman, is the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council prepared to take a question?
Mr Chairman, not at this stage.
Taking into consideration what the hon member for Springfield has stated concerning the appointment of a select committee, this was actually moved by me because a statement was made in this House. I believe that that statement was not correct and that is why I moved the appointment of a select committee. However, I am aware that a journalist in Durban received a call from the newspaper Post, but nobody mentioned to the journalist that I was the person who moved the select committee be appointed. This motion now rectifies an error in the original motion in that the hon member for Stanger did not use the word “during the election campaign” in his statement. [Interjections.] That was on 23 February 1988. In effect the select committee could decide that because the hon member for Stanger did not use the words “during the election campaign” the actual words used by that hon member were that he knows who gave him a cheque in Tongaat. However, the Notice of Motion which I moved contained an error and it was unfair as far as the select committee was concerned. They would have difficulty in carrying out their task, because one could have correctly argued that one did not use the words “during the election campaign”. Therefore it merely rectifies a mistake.
Mr Chairman, on a point of order: The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council said that those words were not used. However, they are here. May I read it out, Mr Chairman?
Order! Yes, the hon member may proceed.
These words were spoken during that debate:
Mr Y Moolla: Mr Chairman, that is what it is all about. The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council knows who gave him a cheque in Tongaat.
[Interjections.]
Yes, but the hon member for Southern Natal strengthens my argument. It does not say “during the election campaign”. Those words were not used in that statement.
Tongaat.
That is used, but Tongaat could mean anything. The original Notice of Motion indicated words to the effect that the hon member for Stanger uttered these words during the election campaign. In other words, it is rectifying an error.
Mr Chairman, there is no denying the fact that the motion as read by the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council was moved by him except, as I said earlier on, that it differed materially from the motion that he is now moving. That is not the point, however.
Order! May I just interrupt the hon member for Springfield so that hon members may be fully aware of how the resolution would read if the House were to agree to the motion proposed by the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council. This is how it would read:
- (1) That a select committee on a question of privilege be appointed to enquire into and report upon the correctness or otherwise of allegations made by the member for Stanger on 23 February in a speech in the House of Delegates to the effect that the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council received a cheque from a building contractor in Tongaat; and
- (2) the committee to have power to take evidence and call for papers, and that Mr M Thaver be appointed chairman of the committee.
I am merely reading this for the edification of hon members. The hon member for Springfield may proceed.
Thank you, Mr Chairman. The notice of motion to appoint the original select committee was, as all hon members will recall, unanimously supported by all hon members of this House. The reason why the appointment of a select committee was, in fact, supported by all the hon members of the House was precisely because of what the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council said in regard to motivating the appointment of such a select committee. If I remember correctly, the point that was made by the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council was that his integrity and his credibility had been impugned and that this was a slur on his honesty, and that this had resulted from a statement that had been made by the hon member for Stanger during the course of a speech on the previous day.
The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council has often quoted Mahatma Gandhi in this Chamber. The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council should be aware that Mahatma Gandhi set great store by what we call satyagraha.
And the truth!
If the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council is not aware of what satyagraha is, I should just like to remind him that it means “truth force”.
We in this House supported the appointment of a select committee because we also believed that it was high time allegations of the kind that had been made by the hon member for Stanger were fully investigated and fully canvassed in any select committee, although we preferred …
Mr Chairman, may I ask the hon member whether he is aware of the fact that that notice of motion which was approved by this House did not quote the hon member for Stanger correctly?
Mr Chairman, I really do not understand the thrust of that question and therefore I should prefer not to reply to it.
You are pretending not to understand it!
Let us now examine what the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council proposes to do by way of his amendment. Before we examine that, let me record that I believe this is the first time in the annals of parliamentary tradition that we have had a Minister of Government approach this House, or approach Parliament, to amend his own notice of motion concerning the appointment of a select committee. [Interjections.] This House is noted for creating history.
Here is another example of what we do with parliamentary tradition.
Who plots till midnight?
The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council wishes to ask me, I presume: “Who plots till midnight?” As far as I am aware, it is the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council who in fact does that. I am also aware of a plot to remove him from the office of Chairman of the Ministers’ Council. I wish to publicly state that I will support any such move, in this House and outside it.
Mr Chairman, on a point of order: I think the hon member is going outside the scope of the debate on this motion.
Order! The hon member for Springfield may proceed, but he must please keep within the bounds of the subject under discussion.
Mr Chairman, with great respect, I am surprised that the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council should now object to the fact that I am traversing the bounds of this particular debate, because it was the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council who in fact asked me a question about a plot, and I was merely answering.
Why do I wish to record my objection to the notice of motion which has now been removed? If one reads it fairly carefully and interprets it in a legal fashion, I believe the scope of this investigation is narrowed by the fact that this select committee must now decide on the correctness or otherwise of an allegation that has been made that a building contractor gave a cheque to the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council in Tongaat.
That was the statement.
Mr Chairman, that was not the import of the statement made by the hon member for Stanger, and he will be the first to admit it. Hansard will also verify this. It is not surprising that this amendment should be moved after that select committee has begun its deliberations. The question arises why this should be so? Has some evidence been given to this committee which now causes some disquiet in the mind of the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council? I do not know. I am not a member of that committee. However, what I am aware of, is that whatever happens in that committee gets reported to the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council.
Mr Chairman, I want to …
Order! I would like to remind the hon member for Springfield that the allegation he is making is a very serious indictment of the activities of this committee. I would like to refer the hon member to Standing Order No 168, “Publication of Proceedings”, and quote this Standing Order for the edification of hon members. I quote:
This is also for the edification of members of any select committee. The hon member for Springfield may proceed.
Mr Chairman, I am indebted to the Chair for that information.
Mr Chairman, on a point of order: The hon member for Springfield has made a statement to the effect that he knows that whatever is discussed is reported to me. I would like him to withdraw that and apologise to the select committee. It is contempt of that select committee.
Order! The hon member for Springfield must withdraw that allegation.
Mr Chairman, I withdraw that allegation, but I would like to record that it would seem that whatever happens in that select committee is being reported to the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council, hence the amendment we have before this House.
I object to the notice of motion given by the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council. This is not only because I believe that something has now given rise to disquiet in the mind of the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council. I am also in possession of certain facts—the members of that select committee are perhaps in possession of the same facts—which I believe have a bearing on the original notice of motion and on the original terms of reference which was agreed to when the original select committee was appointed. I will take this House into my confidence and tell hon members what that special information is. I would really like to know …
Mr Chairman, on a point of order: I want to appeal to the Chair. In this House many statements are made under parliamentary protection. If the hon member for Springfield has any information that can be of use to the select committee he is at liberty to put it to the select committee but I think that the parliamentary protection in this House genuinely appears to be abused. What the hon member says is beyond the scope of the amendment that we are discussing at the moment.
Order! If the hon member for Springfield has any such facts he must present them to the select committee. Unfortunately, with regard to the motion before us we cannot entertain the introduction of any new facts. These will have to be brought before the select committee.
Mr Chairman, with great respect, I must say to you that my argument has quite obviously been pre-empted. Nobody heard out my argument before a decision in this regard was taken. I wish to assure you that I am well aware of my duties and my obligations to that select committee. I am only arguing as to why the notice of motion should not in fact restrict the functioning of that select committee. That is all that I propose to do.
Mr Chairman, on a point of order: In the original notice of motion which I gave and which this House approved the notice of motion was based on a statement made by the hon member for Stanger and I had realised …
Order! I must tell the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council that this is not a point of order.
Mr Chairman, may I ask for your ruling on the scope of this debate? This is a simple amendment rectifying a mistake. It does not introduce something new. [Interjections.]
Order! I would like to tell the hon member for Springfield that under the present circumstances we will have to hear him out. If it is found that whatever facts he wishes to bring to the attention of this House are not relevant to the debate and fall outside its scope he will be called to order.
Mr Chairman, I would like a further clarification. The notice of motion today intends to remove the words “during the election campaign”. These words were never used by the hon member for Stanger on 23 February. If anybody wants to produce anything related to the election campaign it is irrelevant, in my considered opinion. One can have another debate on that tomorrow.
That may be your opinion!
Order! I should like to tell the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council that it would be very unfair of the Chair to curtail the hon member for Springfield who is arguing in favour of the retention of the words which the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council proposes to have removed. We will have to hear out the hon member for Springfield.
Once again I should like to remind the hon member that if it is found that he is going beyond the scope of the matter under discussion he will be called to order. The hon member for Springfield may use his judgment and may proceed.
Mr Chairman, I am indebted to the Chair for that ruling.
My concern is for the retention of the words “during the election campaign” and I should like to stress that this hon House in fact accepted the retention of those words.
I should like to motivate my concern by stating that I have information and I am not sure whether or not that is of relevance to the select committee. I should like to present this as an argument and perhaps if the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council could advise me on whether that is relevant or not I would be indebted to him. I am aware that during the election campaign large sums of money were given to the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council. These were substantial amounts of money but these moneys were deposited into the banking account of the NPP by way of cash. Now, I am not sure whether people gave cash or whether a cheque was given to the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council, which he cashed and then gave to the official concerned as an amount of cash to be deposited into the account of the NPP.
Order! Will the hon member for Moorcross please resume his seat?
I should like to advise the hon member for Springfield that what he is trying to convey now is a matter which the select committee will have to determine. I believe that it correctly belongs in the sphere of the select committee and its scope of activities. The hon member may proceed.
Mr Chairman, with great respect I should merely like to say to you that if this House were now to remove the words “during the election campaign” then it may well be that what this House could decide concerning the two issues that I raised may well be irrelevant to that select committee. What I have to say concerns what happened during the election campaign.
The election campaign took place immediately after there was a vacancy, and expired when the successful candidate Mr A G Hurbans—the hon member for Tongaat—was elected. During that period …
Mr Chairman, with due respect to the Chair may I apply for the recusal of the hon member Mr Thaver from this House?
Order! I should like to remind the hon member for Phoenix that the hon member Mr Thaver is an hon member of this House and I see no reason why he should recuse himself.
Mr Chairman, I withdraw the application. [Interjections.]
Mr Chairman, support for my contention that the words “during the election campaign” should remain as part of the notice of motion that was originally moved by the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council and should in fact be the terms of reference of the select committee that has been appointed lies in the fact that—as I have already indicated—substantial amounts of money were deposited into the account of the NPP during the election campaign. Thus, for example, on 19 November 1987, at the height of the election campaign, an amount of R11 500 in cash was deposited. Also, on 24 September 1987 an amount of R5 000 in cash was deposited. I raise this matter because if one now were to remove those particular terms of reference, one would be confining the work of that select committee merely to inquiring into and reporting on the correctness or otherwise of an allegation that was made by the hon member for Stanger, but which only takes into account one particular cheque given by one particular building contractor in Tongaat.
I believe that if the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council has nothing to hide—I believe he has nothing to hide—he should have no problem with having a full investigation into what happened during the election campaign in Tongaat.
You are just twisting the whole issue.
I am not twisting the issue. If the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council is not afraid of the truth—I am not saying he is …
If the hon member could prove to me that the hon member for Stanger stated “election campaign” on 23 February, I will withdraw this motion. [Interjections.]
In reply to that statement, I believe the hon member for Stanger has already answered by way of interjection that he has no problem with being fully investigated.
Why do you not stick to the point? What is your point?
My point is simply: Why is anyone—if indeed he is—afraid to allow that select committee to operate under the terms of reference this particular House agreed to unanimously? Not one whit of evidence has been brought before the House this afternoon to justify the curtailment of the terms of reference of that select committee. All that I perceive is a desire on the part of the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council to restrict the functioning of that committee. I ask myself a very reasonable question, and that question is: “Why?” Against the background of the information I have—I feel that perhaps it may be unreasonable—my perception is that the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council has something to hide. If the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council has nothing to hide …
Mr Chairman, on a point of order: I want to request the protection of the Chair. I have nothing to hide. I moved this motion and there is a mistake. We misquoted the hon member for Stanger and we are rectifying the misquotation.
Order! The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council, as mover of this motion, will be able to reply at the end. The hon member for Springfield may proceed.
I did not say the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council had anything to hide. What I said was that my perception was that the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council had something to hide. As the mover of the motion he should have come to this House and indicated to us that he wanted a full and open inquiry.
A moment ago we heard him say that the only reason why the amendment is being moved is that someone has now realised that a mistake has been made.
Now, I say, with great respect, that that was no Freudian slip of the tongue on the part of the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council a few moments ago. Somebody has realised that a mistake has been made, and that is why we want the functioning of that committee to be narrowed. This is why we want to restrict the terms of reference of that particular committee.
You did not answer my question.
The question that also arises, is this: At what point was there the revelation that a mistake had been made? It was more than 10 days after this House had unanimously accepted the motion by the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council that a select committee be appointed. It is not surprising that after the hon member for Stanger gave evidence to that select committee, somebody realised that a mistake had been made. It took the evidence of the hon member for Stanger to make people realise that a mistake had been made. This is why I say that that was no Freudian slip.
I wish to place on record—I believe I speak on behalf of all hon members on this side of the House—that I strongly object to the amendment that has now been moved by the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council. I trust that he is not going to bulldoze this debate by merely forcing a division. I should like to appeal to all the other hon members of that party to which the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council belongs. I want to say to them that this is an opportunity for each one of them to demonstrate to the outside world that they are not party to the manipulation of any one individual. Here is an opportunity for them to show to the outside world that they think for themselves.
Who manipulates at night?
This is an opportunity for the hon members of the NPP who sit in this House to say: “We have nothing to fear. Investigate what happened in Tongaat.” If they fail to support my contention I believe that will be a blot on their integrity as well.
Mr Chairman, I rise in support of the original motion, and I think it should be retained.
Even though it is incorrect?
The hon member will hear that it is correct.
The hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council moved that a select committee on the question of privilege be appointed to inquire into and report upon the correctness or otherwise of allegations made by the hon member for Stanger on 23 February in a speech in the House of Delegates, to the effect that the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council received a cheque from a building contractor during the election campaign in Tongaat, the committee to have power to take evidence and call for papers, and that Mr M Thaver be appointed chairman.
That was what the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council moved. I am now going to prove that this whole motion was based on what happened prior to that motion. The hon member for Stanger said in his speech on 23 February:
When that hon member moved that Solidarity resign from Parliament, he said—and we can check this—“We won all the elections”.
We are now talking about elections, because one came after the other.
Mr Chairman, would the hon member be prepared to take a question?
Mr Chairman, I will take this question later and I would like the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council to listen. [Interjection.] This arose from that and then … [Interjection.]
Order! Does the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council have a point of order?
Mr Chairman, I would just like to make this one point. [Interjections.] I would like to make an application to the Chair, but I would like to substantiate it.
On what grounds? In terms of what are you now speaking? [Interjections.]
I asked a question … [Interjections.]
Order! If the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council has a point of order, will he tell us what it is?
Mr Chairman, my point of order is that it makes no material difference to us whether the investigation into the election in Tongaat… [Interjections.] In the light of the investigations … [Interjections.]
Order!
Mr Chairman, I want to withdraw the motion. Please give me a chance to do so.
Order! Hon members must please not interject while the hon the Chairman of the Ministers’ Council is speaking.
Mr Chairman, I believe in truth and I believe that since we moved the appointment of the select committee—in Tongaat there was an election and whether the hon member for Stanger said “election” or not, that hon member may probably have referred to it—we want a full investigation into this matter. I withdraw the motion. [Interjections.]
Motion, with leave, withdrawn.
Mr Chairman, I move:
Agreed to.
The House adjourned at