THURSDAY, 25 MAY 2006

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                  PROCEEDINGS AT THE JOINT SITTING

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Members of the National Assembly and the National Council of Provinces assembled in the Chamber of the National Assembly at 11:07.

The Chairperson of the NCOP took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

      RECOGNITION OF AFRICA DAY: PERSPECTIVES ON AND OF AFRICA


                       (Debate on Africa Day)

The SPEAKER: Hon members, and guests in the gallery, happy Africa Day. Today the whole continent is celebrating Africa Day. It is a day when we celebrate our liberation as a continent from especially the political subjugation that we went through for decades under colonial forces.

It is, of course, the date on which the OAU was born in 1963, and as we know it has since transformed into the AU. It has become a rallying day for all countries that were not liberated to use it to push for liberation. As we know, we were the last-born in that respect. Indeed, the struggle is still continuing and that is the struggle against poverty.

As we celebrate this day 43 years later, it is important that we look at the road we have traversed as a continent in order to meet the objectives put forward by the continent. It is against this background that we have called this Joint Sitting to mark and celebrate the day. But we do so not just by having fun, but also by taking stock and looking at the numerous challenges that we are still faced with.

Therefore, we have to do this under the topic “Perspectives on and of Africa” which as you know is the theme of the Parliamentary Millennium Project. In terms of that project we have a lecture series as one of the elements. In his inaugural speech, the President of South Africa started what we believe is a very important debate.

We appeal to hon members to make sure that they read the speech delivered by the President on 1 April on this very important topic. We hope the Opposition will take the floor and make its own points on this matter, hon Leader of the Opposition.

We are aware that the inaugural speech has been very uncomfortable to some in our society, because of the important perspectives that it highlights about the information, the history and understanding of this continent, where it comes from, its worth and where it is going.

What is important to me is to engage, rather than merely saying we must not talk about things that are uncomfortable to some of us. What I think is important, particularly for this society, is to tell the history that we were not taught in school about Africa and about ourselves. The history that we have learnt does not tell us that there is something good that came out of Africa. We think this information cannot be overemphasised. It’s so important to teach our children this. Because, even as we recognise the weaknesses of Africa, we recognise the bad that has been done by ourselves as Africans, it also important to know that it’s not all bad that came out of Africa.

I would like to quote first from the speech of the President a series of questions, which I think are very important, and he said:

What past and present information is available on Africa? Who gathers and disseminates such information? Who interprets events and processes in Africa? From what point of view are these interpretations made? Whose views dominate the daily discourse in our country and in the rest of the continent?

In other words, what is the world outlook of those who present news to us, those who analyse events and those who interpret processes taking place on the continent, whose ideas drive our societies? Because indeed those who have ownership, who have the power, who take the centre stage and make the biggest noises about ideas turn out to be the ones that influence thinking in society. But the question is: Who are they? Is it the majority of the people of Africa? I think we as leaders need to ask ourselves these questions, because we might find that we have a lot more work that needs to be done.

Much later in the speech he deals with the area of history that we do not know even as we talk about economic debates and where Africa is, the background that we need to factor in as part of the information that informs us about the present and the future.

There is also a part where he deals with how Europe was developed by the resources coming from Africa. I want to quote where he deals with how even in the world wars that happened Africa was plundered and its resources taken to develop what we now call the developed world.

He deals in particular with the country we now know as the DRC. He quotes a colonial secretary of a the exiled Belgian government who explained how they paid their expenses during the time of the Second World War while they were based in London. I quote: During the war the Congo was able to finance all the expenditure of the Belgian government in London, including the diplomatic services, as well as the cost of our armed forces in Europe and Africa and a total of some £40 million was paid from the resources of the Congo.

In fact, thanks to the Congo, he said –

The Belgian government in London had not borrowed a shilling or a dollar and the Belgian reserves could be left intact while the DRC, as we know it now, was plundered.

He went on and said –

Today the GDP of Belgium is about $302 billion, with a population of only 10 million.

In the meantime, the GDP of the DRC is estimated at $10 billion, with a population of 60 million.

The combined GDP of France and Britain, two countries that achieved the largest colonial presence in Africa, is about $3,5 trillion, while Africa has a combined GDP of about $600 billion. We can’t, when we debate these matters, turn a blind eye to that historical background.

Therefore this speech is saying to us as African leaders we’ve got to take stock of who we are, where we have come from, the history we have to contend with, including our own mistakes as Africans, because it’s not to say we are totally innocent of having blundered; we have in fact made certain very grave mistakes in our leadership roles. And at the end he says –

I have no doubt that the leadership represented here – and I say this to us here – as well as others across the continent have the necessary capacity to assist the African masses correctly to analyse our collective strengths and weaknesses and on the basis of an objective appraisal plot our way to a better tomorrow.

These are things which, when said, some will say: Let’s leave that, that’s all in the past and let’s look at tomorrow. We always need to remember, a people that do not know their past will not understand the present let alone see their way to the future. So, we must not listen to those who say we must not come to terms with this history.

In fact, I believe that our responsibility is to make sure that our children understand some of what is in this speech that I have not touched on because it actually shows the contribution of Africa to world civilisation itself. It’s not the other way round. It’s not as if when colonisers came to Africa, they came and civilised Africans; in fact, Africa did contribute to world civilisation and that’s a issue which our children must know. [Applause.] I now want to use a bit of what is left of my time just to share with you a recent exercise in which this Parliament made its own contribution to Africa and that was through a conference that was convened for 4-7 May where, in terms of the women of the continent, we invited parliamentarians from each of the 53 parliaments of Africa to start to look at our role in promoting Nepad and what Nepad does for women.

We actually called upon the Nepad secretariat to come and make a presentation to us and we found that a very valuable exercise about which we will still circulate a full report – we hope in the next two weeks – to members of this House, including the members who come from the provinces.

This conference, particularly when it comes to the content of the conference, was kicked off by a presentation by the hon Deputy President, when she dealt with the issue of influencing policy in the interest of poor women.

We then had a very good presentation from a woman economist from Senegal, Prof Yassine Fall, who looked at the macroeconomic policy from analysis to action. She was able to talk in a language understood by ordinary women in terms of relating those economic issues to their daily lives, so that it’s not just something that is being debated by professors, and so on. They could look at what affects them in their daily lives. As I say, these are issues on which we will give you a detailed report. The dialogue that was presented by the economist was about the value of women’s contributions to the economy and how that is being undermined and contradicted, sometimes in policy-making and implementation.

We then had a presentation by the CEO of the Nepad secretariat, Prof Firmino Mucavele, who dealt with the philosophy and strategy of Nepad, followed by the gender adviser of Nepad, who talked about engendering Nepad and mobilising stakeholders.

After that we broke into commissions dealing with five very important areas: agriculture, land and water; education and skills development; poverty, employment and trade; combating trafficking of women and children and women’s health.

Hon members, I don’t have enough time to go through the outcomes of this very valuable exercise, but I just want to note the four things that came out of that conference: the first one was that it renewed old and forged new partnerships in order to rally round ongoing work for transformation of Africa to improve the lives of poor people, but especially women.

Secondly, the delegates engaged with information on Nepad and gained a deeper understanding on how it benefits women on the continent. Thirdly, delegates identified tasks that can best be taken up by international partners in the ongoing challenge to help push a women’s agenda within the context of the AU’s programme for Africa’s economic recovery, Nepad.

Fourthly, the conference deliberations provided better clarity on issues of economic recovery, and with great enthusiasm, many participants committed to using the power they have back home, to rally round a developmental agenda for economic recovery to advance the position of poor women on the continent.

One of the most important issues that came out was the need for the women of Africa to have one voice. Because, among other things we have learnt lessons, for instance, when South African women went to the Forum on Beijing Plus 10, where we were faced with a block of Western women with a Western agenda and we found that the women from Africa were not speaking with one voice.

And we believe that probably one of the biggest challenges is that very soon South Africa has to come to terms with helping the women of the continent in this respect. Chairperson, thank you very much. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

WELCOMING TO PARLIAMENT GIRL CHILDREN PARTICIPATING IN BRING A GIRL CHILD TO WORK

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon members, before I call the next speaker, it has been brought to my attention, as hon members are aware, that as this week is Bringing a Girl Child to Work week, there are girl children in the gallery, whom I want to welcome in Parliament. If they can stand up … [Applause.] There they are, all of them. Thank you very much. I now call upon the hon Hajaig.

HON MEMBERS: Malibongwe! [Praise!]

Ms F HAJAIG: Thank you, Chairperson of the NCOP. Comrade Chairperson of the NCOP, comrades and colleagues, it is indeed a privilege to participate in this Africa Day debate. Africa Day is one of the important dates on the political calendar of Africa. It reminds us that Africa is the cradle of humankind. It symbolises African unity and entrenches the view that the only alternative for the people of Africa is to unite in order to deal with all the challenges facing the continent.

The Africa Day debate in our Parliament takes place within the context of the theme entitled “Perspectives on and of Africa”. On 1 April 2006 President Thabo Mbeki gave an inaugural lecture at the Pan-African Parliament. The message contained in his address was simply that no one should be allowed to do for Africa what we must do for ourselves. It is a message of hope, which says the peoples of Africa have the means at their disposal to move themselves away from the abyss of destruction, poverty and conflict. It is a message that reminds us as Africans of our rich history, that we have to reclaim and preserve.

A debate of this nature is significant for a number of reasons. Firstly, it should serve to remind the leadership and the ordinary people of Africa of the difficult and harsh realities of the past. Secondly, the debate is important because it should allow the political leaders of Africa to take stock of the challenges that confront Africa. Thirdly, and most importantly, it should force African leaders to reconfirm their commitment to rebuilding their countries and providing a better life for their people.

The drive to redefine what Africa should become necessitates the creation of a space to reflect on the past and thereby finding a different but true history of Africa and a better way of explaining the African condition. I think our Speaker has begun to touch on it in her speech. In looking at Africa’s past, it might be important to take a different angle. Instead of looking at how Africa was undermined, underdeveloped and looted by the West, it might be helpful to look at how Africa contributed to the development of the West. In this context the views of scholars such as Ali Mazrui and Walter Rodney are important.

Ali Mazrui argues that the labour of Africa’s sons and daughters was what the West needed for its industrial take-off. The slave ships that helped to export millions of Africans to the Americas helped in the agrarian revolution and the industrial revolution in Europe simultaneously. On the other hand, in his seminal work, How Europe Underdeveloped Africa, Walter Rodney states:

The African contribution to European capitalist growth extended over such vital sectors as shipping, insurance, the formation of companies, capitalist agriculture, technology and the manufacturing of machinery.

“The efforts were so wide-ranging that many are seldom brought to the notice of the reading public,” says Rodney.

The necessity to refer to such historical facts is important today, because it serves as a reminder of the forced contributions of resources, both human and mineral, that Africans made in the development of Europe and America. It also assists us to reflect on what Africa could have become if its own development and evolution was not interrupted by foreign domination and colonialism.

In its history of exploitation that contributed to Africa’s long period of economic stagnation and political instability, what steps are we taking to revitalise and change the African condition and ensure that the continent develops? In this regard President Mbeki says:

As Africans our struggle is to engage in both the total emancipation of our continent from the sociopolitical and economic legacy of colonialism and apartheid, as well as to reclaim our history, identity and traditions, and on the foundation that our ancestors built for all humanity rebuild our societies to ensure that they are developed and prosperous.

The decision to transform the Organisation of African Unity into the African Union stands out as one of the most important decisions that were made in contemporary Africa. They AU organs with its different mandates were created in order to deal with different and new challenges facing the continent. The African Union has already taken successful initiatives in the continent’s peace efforts, for example the deployment of the first-ever peacekeeping force in Burundi, peacekeeping forces in Dafur, Sudan, the creation of the post-conflict reconstruction committee in Sudan, our presence in finding a solution in Cote d’Ivoire and our assistance to the DRC in finding a solution and assisting them in having their first elections.

Ordinary Africans have also been able to witness the increasing political will of the AU and African heads of state to ensure that they abide by and implement their own agreements. A case in point relates to the decision taken that no regime in Africa would be recognised if it came to power through unconstitutional means and the decision to implement it when the AU refused to recognise the regimes in Togo and Mauritania, respectively, after they assumed control of state power without being elected by the people.

The programme of the AU, namely the New Partnership for Africa’s Development, or Nepad, was unveiled a few years ago and is evolving into a mechanism that would define what it is that Africans want to see occurring for the development of Africa. Nepad has undertaken a number of initiatives. The aim is to form partnerships with the rest of the world, but these must remain African-owned and African-driven. Some of the initiatives include, among others, the following: Firstly, the private sector has responded through the formation of Nepad business groups, which have been formed in countries such as South Africa, Nigeria and Kenya. The African Bursaries Round Table has launched a continent-wide Nepad business group. The Commonwealth Business Council and the World Economic Forum have all become partners in the promotion of Nepad around the world.

Secondly, Africans in the diaspora have assisted by establishing the Nepad council of leading African scientists working in the USA and Europe.

Thirdly, during the period between 2002 and 2005 the African Development Bank provided financial resources to 16 Nepad projects in areas of infrastructure development.

Fourthly, in the area of ICT Nepad has facilitated the creation of the East- African submarine cable system, which is a cable system that connects Mtunzi in South Africa to Port Sudan, covering a distance of 9 900 km.

Fifthly, in the area of agriculture and food security, Nepad launched a comprehensive African agriculture development programme initiative, which seeks to realign and develop Africa’s capacity to produce enough food to feed itself and export agricultural products. And so it goes on.

All the above initiatives are indicative of the strides being made by Africa, especially the political leadership, to advance the course of Africa’s development. Underpinning the development goals of Nepad is the need for effective and good political and economic governance. Thus the African Peer Review Mechanism continues to serve as a vehicle through which Africans are able to participate and evaluate their own governance. Twenty- four countries have voluntarily joined the African Peer Review initiative. We are at this point in time in the process of being peer-reviewed.

It is important that we strengthen all the different organs and structures of the African Union, so that it is able to fulfil its functions. In this respect the inauguration of the Pan-African Parliament is an important step forward. For the first time the voice of the African people is being heard. The Pan-African Parliament is a forum where African members of parliament can debate the challenges facing the continent.

It also has an important oversight role to play. It has already started its work in earnest. For example, the Pan-African Parliament has sent fact- finding missions to Darfur and Mauritania. It has also begun to interact with other structures of the AU. Through this interaction it has become clear that the Pan-African Parliament has to interact on a continuous basis with Nepad and other structures of the AU so that we can find joint solutions to the challenges facing us.

In conclusion, I would like to quote two great sons of Africa, the former president of Tanzania, the late Mwalimu Julius Nyerere wrote:

Africans all over the continent, without a word being spoken either by one individual to another, or by one African country to another, they were one. Africa today needs to see the same thing, that they are one.

In his address as the first democratically elected president of South Africa, former President Nelson Mandela stated:

In the distant days of antiquity the Romans sentenced an African city to death: Carthage must be destroyed and Carthage was destroyed. Today we wander among its ruins. Only our imagination and historical record enable us to experience its magnificence, only our African being makes it possible for us to hear the piteous cries of the victims of the vengeance of the Roman Empire. And yet we can say this that all human civilisation rests on foundations such as the ruins of the African city of Carthage. These architectural remains, like the pyramids of Egypt, the sculptures of the ancient kingdom of Ghana and Benin, the manuscripts of Mali, like the temples of Ethiopia, the ruins of Zimbabwe, the rock paintings of the Kgalagadi people and the Namib desert all speak of Africa’s contribution to the formation of the condition of civilisation.

He continues:

We are certain that you Africans will prevail over the currents that originate from the past and ensure that the interregnum of humiliation symbolised amongst others the destruction of Carthage is indeed consigned to the past, never to return.

When the civilisation of Egypt was teaching the great scholars about mathematics, medicine and complex surgery, and not the other way around, most of Europe was in the age of darkness. The Malian civilisation reached its pinnacle when Timbuktu became the intellectual and trading centre between the fourteenth and sixteenth centuries. Much of European society at this time was characterised by high levels of illiteracy, acute poverty and violence. Africa had a glorious past that we can all be proud of. With hard work and commitment, Africa can once again rejuvenate itself. It has the resources, which must be used for Africa. The efforts of the government of South Africa have focused on ensuring that Carthage is rebuilt. Let us today celebrate Africa and its people. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr W J SEREMANE: Chairperson, hon members, without taking anything away from the heading of the debate, I have captioned my contribution this way: Africa, move forward, not back. It is not too much to say that today as we celebrate Africa Day, we join the world in recognising our continent’s recent advances. This year the 53 countries of Africa are set to achieve an average economic growth rate of almost 6%, which is well above the world average.

African institutions like the African Union, the Pan-African Parliament and Nepad have begun to have a meaningful impact on the lives of all Africans. Liberia recently elected Africa’s first female head of state, Ellen Sirleaf- Johnson. That country’s despotic ex-president, Charles Taylor, has been handed over to the international authorities to be tried for crimes against humanity. Peace has broken out in troubled spots in Africa such as Burundi and the DRC and they are moving forward, however tentatively, towards a non- violent resolution of their conflicts, with the assistance of other African states. The once war-ravaged nations like Angola and Mozambique are successfully restructuring their economies and societies.

These examples show that Africa is indeed moving forward and in many areas and this momentum must be maintained and enhanced. We must also, however, intensify our opposition to forces that threaten to take us backwards. The three-year-old conflict in Sudan is blight on our continent and must be resolved without delay. The peace agreement signed earlier this month is a step in the right direction, as the UN Security Council decision to replace the African Union forces currently in the country with a UN peacekeeping mission. We must now join the AU in putting pressure on the President of Sudan, Omar Hassan El-Bashir, to allow the UN troops free access to the country. This will help to stem the rape and slaughter in Western Sudan and allow the Darfuri people to begin to move to a point where they can join us in a wholehearted celebration of Africa today.

Much closer to home, the situation in Zimbabwe continues to worsen by the day, while our government remains largely silent. Citizens of that country now have the lowest life expectancy in the world, with an average Zimbabwean woman expected to live to 34 years. After years of refusing to deal with the root causes of economic, political and social collapse, that is Robert Mugabe, President Mbeki now claims to be awaiting the outcome of an intervention by the UN Secretary General Kofi Annan. While we approve of the UN’s efforts, why, we ask, do we need to wait for the honourable Kofi Annan to deal with the crisis in our neighbouring country? President Mbeki has had the moral authority to help Zimbabweans to work towards peaceful change for years, yet the country has been in such decline for so many years that unemployment has now reached 80% and inflation has reached 1 000%. South Africa shoulders many of the costs of this collapse. The influx of political and economic refugees poses an unnecessary threat to our country and broader African relations, as it stirs up xenophobic tendencies and tensions between locals and the asylum-seekers.

Our government’s diplomatic efforts in Swaziland have been just as muted, while the basic individual freedoms of Swazi citizens are still denied under the reign of King Mswati III. Sovereignty of states and plain fraternal sentiments are not and never should be excuses for gross violations of human rights and suppression of the rule of law by any government. [Applause.] In Setswana, we say, and rightly so: “Matlo go ša mabapi.” [Each of us is and should be our sister’s or brother’s keeper.]

We say so, because each of us is and should be our sister or brother’s keeper. But we must work harder. [Interjections.] Thanks, tribalist. We must work harder to end conflict, fight poverty and disease and defeat mercenaries, African warlords and despots, including rag-tag bandits masquerading as freedom fighters in the trouble spots. Moreover, we must work together to spread democracy and ensure that daily tragedies in places such as Sudan, Zimbabwe and Swaziland do not begin to move our entire continent backwards. And let me say this about history. I totally agree that we need to revisit the history of the continent, because it is the dominant forces, the rulers who distort history in their selective ways. We also run the risk of seeing current dominant forces that are in power selectively distorting the history of this country. I thank you. [Applause.]

Mr M SULLIMAN: On a point of order, Chairperson: The speaker referred to one of the hon members here as a tribalist. Is that parliamentary? [Interjections.]

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: I didn’t hear that. [Interjections.] What did he say? Can you repeat it? [Interjections.] Tribalist. Mr Seremane, could you withdraw that word? It is unparliamentary.

Mr W J SEREMANE: I can prove that he is a tribalist, Chairperson, from the remarks he made.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Did you say that?

Mr W J SEREMANE: Yes, I did say that because of the remarks he made.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: That’s unparliamentary. Can you withdraw it? Mr W J SEREMANE: Chairperson, I really want to say: I have heard him and I have reacted to what he said. To say “tribalist” does not necessarily mean that I am taking anything away from him, when he is one.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Can you withdraw that, Mr Seremane?

Mr W J SEREMANE: I withdraw that, as you please.

Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Hon Chairperson of the National Council of Provinces, Your Excellency our Deputy President, Madam Speaker, hon members, our beautiful African continent is one that overflows with beauty, hope and promise for all her children. As we gather under the looming shadow of Table Mountain, in one of Africa’s fairest cities, to celebrate Africa Day, one senses that the mighty African giant is indeed moving forward.

There is much to celebrate. The African Union is taking root in member states. The institutions are being bedded down. The Pan-African Parliament is starting to voice the aspirations and needs of the peoples of Africa. The realisation of a self-reliant and prosperous Africa no longer seems like an elusive phantom.

Yet much work still has to be done. The HIV/Aids pandemic continues to blight the lives of millions of Africans, leaving a trail of destruction in its wake, tearing asunder the social and cultural fabric of affected societies. We remember today our former colleague, Mrs Ruth Bhengu, whose daughter will be buried this coming weekend. We pray with her, knowing, as some of us do, what she is going through at this moment.

The persistence of violent conflict in various regions of Africa such as Darfur and Côte d’Ivoire continues to hold back development. The question is: How do we rise to the great challenges posed by Africa? I, for one, believe a successful and prosperous African Union can only be made from successful and prosperous members states.

At present, the African Union, understandably, appears to be more of a political enterprise than an economic one. By not setting universal criteria for membership, the new organisation gained an impressive array of member states but also forfeited a reliable yardstick to detect and act on transgressions against the democratic deficit or economic inefficiency. Nepad and particularly its offshoot, the Peer Review Mechanism, are alternative ways of achieving this objective. Well, we have yet, in all candour, to see conclusive results.

I also believe that the AU member states need to foster and realise greater economic integration through greater market efficiency and free trade before even contemplating closer political union. In many ways the creation of a plethora of AU political organs is to put the proverbial horse before the cart. It is concerning, in view of the problems that the Organisation of African Unity had and the problems of subscriptions by African nations which are being dramatised for us here in the Pan-African Parliament.

We owe Africa a big debt for standing by us during the liberation struggle against apartheid. There is no doubt that, apart from the fact that we have more resources than most of our sister states, it is pay-up time for us.

We need to, however, balance what we do for our continent with what we do to deal with the grinding poverty in our country. It was heartrending to see our people in Port Elizabeth’s squatter camps, flooded after heavy rains two days ago. At the same time, we watched on television screens our people sleeping in Durban’s streets during one of the coldest nights of winter.

We realise that not many African countries can afford to pay their dues, nor can any of us chide them for failing to do so because of the same gut- wrenching poverty, which is a common feature of the whole continent. Furthermore, I believe that the AU project must not be elite-driven by the governments of member states. Ordinary Africans must see clear benefits of African integration, such as rising prosperity and unlimited movement of goods, services and labour.

The drive for African integration must be from the bottom up, which is something my party and I have always advocated at any level of government. But, in order to benefit even more, the developing markets must, in future, embrace us as partners in its model free trade area. I appeal to the European Union again today to remove all hindrances to trade and commerce with the African Union that so many of the benefits Europeans enjoy today can tomorrow be shared by Africans in Africa.

The objective of the African Union must therefore be to become integrated into a free trade area and customs union that extends from the Cape to Cairo, and that enjoys free access to the markets along the way and beyond. This, I believe, would be the foundation of a world-class market, larger and more interlinked than the world has seen before.

In simple terms, we would envisage a privileged partnership, with one large free trade area, with the African continent effectively being the southern leg. This would be the most effective way of promoting the vision to promote the socioeconomic integration of the continent, which will lead to greater unity and solidarity between African countries and peoples.

Such an arrangement would go much further than the African Commission and the promises of the G8 at this year’s Gleneagles meeting - which I also wholeheartedly support – to truly making this an African century. Africa need not be, I quote, “a scar on the conscience of the world”, as Prime Minister Blair so memorably put it.

On this day, Africa Day, let us rededicate ourselves to building a strong and prosperous Africa. Re a leboga. [Thank you.] [Applause.]

Dr S E M PHEKO: Mr Chairman, Deputy President, long live Africa!

HON MEMBERS: Long live!

Dr S E M PHEKO: On the occasion of Africa Liberation Day, the PAC is making the economic resurgence of the African people our chief preoccupation. We believe Africa needs a 50-year plan to achieve this.

Africa, with all her rights to dignity and liberty should assert her personality and become a continent that will be able to project into the international scene her own reality. Africa must participate in full consciousness and determination in her historic responsibility to recreate a world open to humanity and a new era of greater economic, social and political justice.

The proposed plan must interpret Africa from a true understanding of Africa’s problems, not misconceptions made by so-called experts. If the problems faced by Africa are to be understood, analysed and solved, we should take into consideration the historical, economical, social, moral and cultural conditions that shape Africa’s identity in the world. We must rebuild an Africa whose riches will be enjoyed by future generations. To win and proclaim a nation’s freedom but keep its old structures is to plough a field but not sow it with new grain for a harvest.

The 50-year plan for Africa should not just be a programme for a list of aims. It should be the expression of Africa’s potential over a given period. It will require all the African peoples’ energy and courageous work.

The time has come for Africa to develop think-tanks, where the most committed and best African brains will gather together to plan a 50-year strategy for Africa’s economic liberation, power and technological advancement and self-reliance.

Africa’s plan must include an Africa that does not export its raw materials and import them back as processed materials at inflated prices. The plan must enable Africa to avoid foreign aid, which is just an attempt to recolonise her.

The CHAIRPERSON OF THE NCOP: Hon member, your speaking time has expired.

Dr S E M PHEKO: On this Africa Liberation day, the PAC summons all Pan- Africanists to renew their vows that the glory of Africa and its people shall not be buried forever; that, indeed, as in the days Julius Caesar, once again, the world shall say: Africa, Africa semper aliquid novi! [Out of Africa there is always something new!] [Applause.]

Mr G T MADIKIZA: Madam Speaker, hon Deputy President, Ministers and hon members, on 25 May 1963 the Organisation of African Unity was established with the core objective of promoting and encouraging the independence and freedom of the African continent.

Since that historic day 43 years ago much has changed. Apartheid and colonialism have been defeated. Indeed, the OAU itself has been reborn as the African Union. Although, perhaps, we can still say that the core objective remains the promotion of African freedom and independence.

Perspectives and perceptions are the subtle foundations upon which entire thought processes are built. The first lesson of history is that the victor determines which perspective and perceptions of the vanquished will be perpetrated. When we speak of perspectives of and on Africa, we know that the history of colonialism can rightly be described as centuries of colonial perceptions and perspectives about the colonised being put into brutal practice.

Although we have indeed seen the end of the practice of colonialisation, the centuries of ingrained perceptions and perspectives still hold many people, even many Africans themselves, prisoner. As Steve Biko, said, the strongest weapon that the oppressor has is the mind of the oppressed. This perception’s legacy is no less of an obstacle than the physical, political and economic legacies of colonialism.

Perspectives and perception is about identity. It is a powerful force that is still being exerted over Africans through the perpetual insinuation or outright claim that we are inherently less, be it less civilised, less educated, less prosperous, less capable or indeed less competent.

For many people centuries of such perceptions continue to have a greater say about identity and inherent qualities than we do ourselves. Inevitably, the only real path into the future is the one that Africans determine for themselves. Only by doing things in our own way, on our own terms and for our own motives will we begin to take ownership, not only of our political, social and economic destinies, but also of our own identity. We have begun to do this in numerous and significant ways.

The AU and Nepad are but some of the ways in which Africans are beginning to express themselves collectively. We are demonstrating to each other and to the world what it means to be an African. In the Pan-African Parliament we meet and debate without anybody but ourselves setting the agenda. We trade and co-operate with each other in peace. Where conflicts arise, Africans are leading the way in African peacekeeping. Thank you. [Time expired.]

Prof B TUROK: Chairperson, Deputy President, some 50 years ago in February 1960, the British Prime Minister, Harold Macmillan, came to this Parliament and he made a speech which became famous. It was called the “Winds of Change Speech”, and in it he signalled that Africa was about to achieve its independence and it was a warning to the South African government that the winds of change would come here as well.

Independence did indeed come to most of Africa, followed by many successes as national governments of African people took power and control of their situations and their resources, but after a decade or so it was followed by some decades of stagnation. Fortunately that stagnation has now come to an end and we see that the winds of change are blowing once again across Africa.

There are two kinds of winds of change. Firstly, there are winds of change within the continent, but there’s also a wind of change in Africa’s international relations, and I want to talk about both of those. Firstly, within Africa the continent is now seeing tremendous efforts at achieving good governance, peace and social justice. This is made possible because of something which the continent lacked before - a sense of African solidarity.

Let me also say that this House should be grateful that this country is led by the ANC, which understands what African solidarity is all about. [Applause.]

The emergence of the African Union has been referred to. The question of peacekeeping has also been referred to and I don’t want to repeat it. So have Nepad and the Peer Review Mechanism, but what has not also been referred to is that Africa now has common positions on the question of external debt, international trade and mutual accountability on ODA, or overseas development assistance. These are very important practical matters around which Africa has now developed a common agenda in its interface with the international community.

So I refer to the question of Africa’s external relations. The situation has changed substantially. The G8 has produced an action plan that has numerous elements of support for Africa and new relationships with Africa. Europe is changing its attitudes from the previous colonial approach to new approaches that refer to partnerships.

I have here a document which is called the “EU Strategy for Africa: Towards a Euro-African pact to accelerate Africa’s development”. This document has been launched this morning at a conference in Cape Town organised by the presidency of Europe, the Association of European Parliamentarians for Africa, Awepa, and the North-South Centre of the Council of Europe, and it is being unpacked as we speak here. I come from that conference. I made a speech there this morning and I bring you greetings from that meeting of 130 parliamentarians, half of whom come from Europe and half of whom come from Africa. [Applause.]

We were assured by the representative of the European Union that there’s a new approach to this Euro-Africa pact - and it will be unpacked this morning. I also refer to the Blair commission, which, with all its faults, certainly sent new signals about a new attitude to Europe. What is happening is that the language from Europe is becoming more and more friendly.

This document that I referred to uses the phrases “equality”, “partnership”, and “ownership”. Well, it’s big language! Big rhetoric! We shall see. It also says that equality implies mutual recognition, mutual respect and the definition of mutual collective interests. Well, that’s a big agenda and we shall have to monitor and assess the degree of seriousness with which Europe actually performs, and I shall have one or two things to say about that in a moment.

The problem is that the political concerns of Europe, as expressed in all these documents, and indeed of the G8 and the Blair commission and so on, are not matched by economic actions. This document admits that the prices of basic commodities of African export, which are agricultural crops such as sugar, coffee, cocoa and cotton, have fallen by 70% in the past 20 years.

Imagine, if the price of American export commodities fell by 70% in 20 years, what would happen to the United States! Europe is a major exporter internationally. Imagine, if their export prices over a period of 20 years collapsed to the degree of 70%, what would happen within those countries. Africa has had to face, over the past 20 years, this collapse of prices which affects, above all, the women who produce those commodities.

I say again: Who in Africa produces the sugar, the cocoa, the coffee and the cotton? It is women producers in the rural areas. And it is they who bear the brunt of this collapse of international commodity prices, and the meeting that is taking place in Cape Town today and tomorrow will have to address that. The European Union and the parliamentarians from Europe will be asked serious questions about what they propose to do about that.

A critical question to Africa as posed by the international community is the question of good governance. And we all agree that Africa needs good governance, but how, I ask you, can you have good governance when you don’t have enough money to pay good judges, when you don’t have enough money to pay good professors, when you don’t have enough to pay good accountants, lawyers, engineers and the rest, as a result of which those very same professions migrate to the United States and Europe and so on.

I have said this morning to that gathering when they in Europe ask us in Africa to have good governance, they should make sure that we have the resources to do that. You cannot impose good governance as though it was based on wishful thinking. It requires resources, implementation and so on.

Our committee, the Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry, had a briefing yesterday by the Department of Trade and Industry. Our representative at the WTO negotiations told us that Europe was being very hard-nosed and that the positions of Europe in those negotiations were based primarily on the commercial interests, which dominate the debates in the WTO.

So, we are faced with the situation that we as Parliament have to examine. On the one hand we have enormous amounts of political rhetoric coming from the G8, Europe and so on, as well as a great deal of goodwill. Let me say immediately that this conference taking place in Cape Town some 50 European parliamentarians from right across Europe, including Eastern Europe – I was sitting next to somebody from Latvia today – and so on, and these are people who’ve come to Cape Town to discuss with African parliamentarians and with us on the basis of goodwill. But it’s their responsibility to go home and to say to their own governments and leaders and the people who their countries send to the WTO and all these international negotiations that the economic processes must match the political rhetoric. We’re examining that and we’re looking forward to a better situation.

But fortunately our fate is not limited to the EU and the United States, because the international environment is changing. We now see major emerging powers on the world scene - China, India, Latin America - and I believe that this continent of Africa must now see itself located in a new international environment in which there are other forces than the US and Europe, which are our major trading partners and for which we have to exercise great care.

But there’s a new world around, and Africa will find a new place in the new balance of forces internationally which will enable us to exercise a greater freedom of choice, which will enable us to exercise that history for which the African people fought against colonialism.

The reason why there is a change of rhetoric from the North, from the US and Europe is that there is now an understanding that Africa’s material resources are very important. There’s an international rivalry for Africa’s oil, for Africa’s minerals, for Africa’s political influence, including in the United Nations, and soon within the Security Council. And so we are living in a new situation where there are new possibilities that we have to examine carefully on the basis of our self-interests as South Africa and as the continent of Africa.

We need to understand that we have to exercise great maturity in the way we handle international contradictions, because the contradictions are now massive. For example, next month a conference will take place in Cape Town, led by the premier of China and our own Deputy President, which will discuss China-South Africa business co-operation. Well, that is an enormous opportunity for South Africa to diversify its business interests and for Africa as a whole to diversify their linkages internationally, because we are no longer the poor child of US interests and European domination. So there’s a new situation.

Fortunately we are led by a President who understands these issues very well. Our President has played an enormous role in trying to finesse a position for South Africa within this new global environment in which our place in history and our place in the global economy is recognised and understood. We understand that the anticolonial history of which Africa is so proud, in which we as the ANC and our President in particular played a major role, and is some kind of a platform upon which we can build our relations with our external partners.

They are using the language of partnership. This document talks about partnerships, equality, etc. Well, let’s make that real by using our intelligence and our creative ability to reconstruct our external relations with the world as South Africa, but also as Africa, on the basis of mutual benefits.

Let us say to our external partners that when they take the mineral resources of Africa they are benefiting and therefore their overseas development assistance is an investment in a mutual partnership in which there are two sides, not one. The days of patronage for Africa and for South Africa are over. We have resources that matter. We have vast quantities of oil. We have minerals. That is the basis of our negotiations and relations with Europe.

Fortunately there are people of goodwill in Europe. For example, the churches in the UK are engaging in a huge campaign called Fairtrade. What they’re doing, through the churches, is to sell commodities which come from the Third World at a low price to the people of the UK, which constitutes, in effect, a transfer of cash to the people of Africa. Also, they’re buying commodities that the commercial enterprises don’t want to buy.

There’s a huge amount of goodwill in the churches of the UK and a huge amount of goodwill in the NGOs of Europe. We as Parliament and as leaders of our country must maximise those opportunities, make friends with those people and create pressure on their governments so that the language of partnership and equality is made real in this world of ours. Thank you. [Applause.]

Mr M V NGEMA: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, hon members of this honourable House, today all Africa is free, and we give thanks to the Organisation of African Unity, which was inaugurated on this day 43 years ago. We also thank great African leaders for their leadership and the sacrifices they made to liberate Africa.

Africa has been raped by colonial powers, as well as by many African leaders themselves. It has been and still is troubled by famine, diseases and wars. Maybe at last our prayers are being heard, specifically our prayer “Nkosi Sikelel’ iAfrika”.

We have indisputably moved into a new and promising era, which we must all involve ourselves and make sure that the welcome impetus is not lost. There are fewer wars today in Africa than in previous decades, and there is the highest level of economic growth on record.

A political type of globalisation, or should I say continentalisation, has been taking place here, with African countries talking more to each other and demonstrating interest in and care for one another in a way never seen before.

Issues such as good governance and the damage resulting from corruption are on the continent’s agenda, and support by the developed world for these developments is apparent. Multiparty democracies have now been established in the majority of African countries, and these are generally taking root, with appropriate institutions and necessary practices being enacted. We are pleased to see a desire and willingness within the organs of the AU to build on the traditions of the Pan-African Movement and the OAU to develop closer ties with the diaspora.

In these ways we are giving expression to our hard-won freedom. This all amounts to reason for hope that the pain of the past will subside and that stability, and at least a modest prosperity, will be experienced in the years ahead. It is up to us.

Even more hopeful is the turn of events in Southern Africa. With the exception of Zimbabwe, there is a new calm over the subregion, with economic and political prospects improving every day. As Africans in the subregion and with the support of the continent, we must find ways to support a resolution of the crisis in Zimbabwe and assist Zimbabweans in the reconstruction of their democracy.

The pending visit by the UN’s Secretary-General to Zimbabwe must be seen as adding international support to the efforts of Africa to help Zimbabwe. Africa is not leaving this African challenge in the hands of Mr Kofi Annan and the international community. All in all, we find good reason to celebrate this Africa day. Today we celebrate Africa. I thank you. [Applause.]

Ms N MOKONYANE: Hon Speaker, hon Deputy President, hon members, distinguished guests, today is the 43rd anniversary of our Africa Day celebrations. There’s genuine cause for celebrating because Africa, once referred to as “the dark continent”, has made tremendous strides towards freeing herself from the vices of negative stereotypes.

Africa, once the hotbed of the imperial scramble, has risen and liberated herself from her whimsical colonial masters’ greed. As a continent we have just emerged from a past that was once characterised by famine, dictatorship, military juntas, economic depression, civil strife, corruption and abuse of human rights.

This day, May 25, is a strong reminder to all the children of the soil that Africa shall never again slide back to the clutches of bondage. It is a day that should serve to remind all of us to double our efforts in building and sustaining the socioeconomic infrastructure of the continent so that it can become a significant player in global affairs.

This sense of determination and conviction has been eloquently enunciated by many of our current progressive African leaders in various world fora. In its presentation to mark Africa Day last year the Nigerian President and the current Chairperson of the African Union, Olusegun Obasanjo, stressed that Africa had not only made some achievements, but also that its current leaders have a sense of direction, a sense of mission and the determination to engage our problems directly.

Within a short period since its inception, the African Union has, to a certain extent, been able to influence the international community to favourably view Africa as a rising phoenix with an abundance of investment opportunities.

Moreover, the African Union has managed to persuade most African states to embrace the fundamental principles of democracy, peace and stability. Furthermore, it is through the efforts of the African Union leadership that institutional frameworks aimed at promoting and safeguarding stability, human rights and economic growth are in place.

For the first time today, Africa has a Pan-African Parliament, hosted by our own country, South Africa, and headed by a woman. Above all, Africa, through the African Union, has once more demonstrated her commitment to these matters by setting up a peer review mechanism, a process that has never been embarked upon by any other continent.

I now come to the Peace and Security Council and Nepad. So, as we celebrate today, we should be conscious of the fact that there remain serious challenges that we have to contend with as a continent. We have to tighten people-to-people relationships; we have to instil the dignity of being African; we have to give one another support, pledge solidarity to and care for one another.

The divide between West and South, the developed and the underdeveloped, the First and the Third World still confront us. This divide perpetuates inequality in areas of trade and industry. Africa finds herself still dependent on grants and aid from the West, resulting in furtherance of economic subjugation.

It is, therefore, necessary that we use this day of celebration to also reflect and take stock of what needs to be done to promote our continent’s interests.

We still have to deal with persistent civil wars as witnessed in other parts of Africa. HIV and Aids also remain a pandemic, with the sub-Saharan region the hardest hit. The threat of famine is forever hovering above nations such as Malawi, Zimbabwe, Ethopia, etc. These are some of the issues that we have to grapple with. It is, therefore, critical that we keep them in our radar.

Whilst Africa has taken a giant leap, all of the above factors still impede Africa’s economic growth and prosperity. We should not become despondent, but should speak with one voice, act in unison as a people of this glorious continent and say: “Mayibuye iAfrika.” I thank you. [Applause.]

Ms S RAJBALLY: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, I believe we often forget that we belong to this much larger entity, Mother Africa. Africa is home to a majority of poverty-stricken, starving people. A continent largely haunted by the rape of colonialism, followed often, as in our case, by autocratic rule such as the apartheid regime that thereafter continued the abuse, extortion and rape of our people and nation.

As we stand here today, many countries on our continent of Africa continue to be a victim of warfare and poverty. The realities of HIV and Aids on the continent are horrific and while many countries abroad attempt to better our situation the change for a better Africa depends on us as Africans.

The MF finds this dependency to rest on the shoulders of Nedlac, the PAP and the united Africa. While we can blame our predicament on our past, our future depends on our present. However, the huge foreign debt that hangs over Africa hinders our progress and ability to overcome our challenges. The writing off of Africa’s foreign debt is what we need. We need to urge our debtors to allow us the leverage to progress by writing off our old debts that have been circumstanced by history.

The G7 needs to be reminded of its promised intention in Africa. Our growth, development and pursuit of globalisation depend upon it. Poverty alleviation and escape from terrible diseases such as HIV and Aids requires the freeing of this country from foreign debt. Billions may then be reinvested in domestic development and needs, making available funding to sustain the need.

In the light of this, the MF calls for the release of Africa from foreign debt. Furthermore, we feel that the production of African goods must receive priority over imported goods to be marketed on the continent. The support to sustain domestic product shall benefit growth and allow for cheaper and more accessible supply. In this way we shall serve to address and assist each other economically.

The nations of Africa need experience and how to absorb the benefit of values that democracy holds, especially in a united front to achieve upliftment, growth, development and, most of all, liberation. The respect and preservation of human rights shall be our forerunner to this.

Africa stands as Africa’s biggest enemy, and lest our orthodox downfall is crippling ourselves is abundant for the new way to accommodate nation- building to a democratic and people-centred means. [Applause.]

Mr M DIKO: Madam Speaker, hon members, ladies and gentlemen, it is encouraging that we celebrate Africa today to acknowledge the progress that the African continent has made so far in the pivotal role played by South Africa through its great leaders like the former President, Mr Nelson Mandela.

South Africa’s involvement in a number of African countries with its peacekeeping force bears testimony to our commitment towards the attainment of peace and democracy on our continent. It will therefore be a travesty of justice if I fail to convey a word of gratitude to President Mbeki for the leadership role he has played in Africa’s rise.

Today, as we commemorate 43 years since the adoption of the Charter of the Organisation of African Unity on 25 May 1963 in Addis Ababa, it is important to put away the past and concentrate on the future of our motherland. We must forget the well-documented blunders committed by buffoons such as Idi Amin and Mobuto Seseko and their Western backers. We must strive to overcome the challenges such as poverty, diseases, ethnic divisions and corrupt governance that Africa is still facing.

Now there is a strong appreciation that Africa is on the move and the continent’s leadership is committed to leading a strong developmental agenda for Africa’s renaissance. South Africa must do more to spearhead the development effort through homegrown national poverty reduction strategies and assist institutions such as the African Union and the Nepad secretariat.

The convergence of these institutions will provide a unique opportunity that could help propel Africa into unprecedented progress towards eradicating poverty and creating a path of prosperity. The question now is: How well positioned is Africa and its development partners to utilise these institutions and resources for a partnership framework? The proposal by the G8 of a 100% cancellation of debt to qualifying countries means that at least Africa has additional resources. Therefore, it is a propitious moment for Africa.

As we assemble here today, we all know that Africa has been defined as a place that lacks law and order and is without political solutions, particularly by those that are of Africa. But, fortunately for us Africans, we also know that they are the same people that perpetuate this lawless environment only to dent our image and loot our resources. In the past year we had arrested the member of a European royal family, Mark Thatcher, who had used our African brothers as mercenaries. Obviously we disagree with the suggestion that Africa lacks law and order and that the most effective means is the use of mercenaries.

In recognition of this important day in the history of our continent, South Africa must reaffirm its commitment to peace and democracy. A clarion call must also be made to all those countries on this continent where conflict still prevails to settle their differences and join the rest of the African countries on the road to peace and economic democracy. Let us make all Africans feel proud of being African, irrespective of race, colour or creed. [Applause.]

Mr P J NEFOLOVHODWE: Madam Speaker, on this Africa Day, allow me to add my voice to the many voices that have spoken about Africa, its origin, as well as its many years under colonialism. At the same time, allow me to remember all the leaders and scholars of Africa who were brave enough to resist the temptation of allowing themselves to think of Africa in terms of all the negatives and racist descriptions that colonialists had intended.

To me a perspective on and of Africa should be of such a nature that we begin to negate the untruths that Africans have been subjected to for centuries. Indeed, as we present Africa, past and present, we should begin to map out a clear vision for our continent as defined by us and not as defined by others. The positive image of Africa and its people should be paramount. We should write more and consistently describe ourselves in a positive light. We should love Africa more than any other continent. Indeed, we should re-engineer the African creativity that was stifled by slavery and eradicate all negative perceptions and inferiority that accrued as a result of living under colonialism and apartheid in South Africa.

Today, as we deliberate on this matter, we are confronted by a colonial past that manifest itself through conflicts, poverty, division and economic dependence. At the same time, our former colonial masters have the audacity to tell us what we should or should not do.

Colonialism and apartheid have made us make false assumptions about ourselves as well as about our origin and our capacity to determine our own destiny. Colonialists plundered the wealth of our continent and after their defeat manipulated economic relations to such an extent that Africa depends on aid and loans from institutions colonialists built using African resources.

Azapo remains firmly of the view that there is an urgent need to act together to at least get our people in Africa the minimum benefits they deserve. At the same time, we should validate our claim to the greatest heritage from our ancestors. Schools should teach our children about us, our origin and about the slave trade that remains in our mind an action of human brutality. We need to theorise and debate the constructions of state post liberation. We need to study Pan-Africanism and relate it to the agenda of unity and reconnection with our people.

Mr M THETJENG: Madam Speaker, as I speak on perspectives on and of Africa, I will concentrate on the strengthening of parliamentary democracy in Africa.

Every now and then something happens that demonstrates how good governance, democracy and the rule of law are spreading in Africa. Last week one such an event occurred when the Nigerian Senate rejected a constitutional amendment that would have opened the way for President Olusegan Obasanjo to run for a third term in office.

AN HON MEMBER: That is democracy!

Mr O M THETJENG: The supporters of the third term bid spent days trying to lobby members of parliament to vote in favour of the amendment in an effort to get the required two thirds majority. Despite the fact that the pressure on individual members was intense, with some allegedly offered more than R2 million to vote in favour of the amendment, the Nigerian Senate did the right thing by rejecting it. One hopes that the South African Parliament will show the same commitment to consider democracy if faced with a similar test. [Interjections.]

Next year’s elections in Nigeria will now mark the first time that a civilian president will hand over power to a successor elected in a democratic election in that country – a great milestone in that country’s democracy development. And there are lessons to be learnt here for other African countries, because, as hard as it may be for the remaining big men of Africa to believe that there are people who can replace them, it is for the benefit of democracy and good governance.

But this month, while parliamentary democracy was being strengthened in the West of our continent, public representatives in East Africa were busy upgrading the dining cart on the gravy train. Newspapers reported that MPs in Kenya’s Parliament have now approved a 40% increase in their fuel allowances, bringing their allowance to the equivalent of a shocking R30 000 per month for travelling. And this while the Kenyan parliament passed only 7 out of 25 Bills submitted last year, mainly because of infighting and the fact that they seldom had a quorum of 30 MPs in the House. A Kenyan civil society group comments:

Parliament has distinguished itself in passing in record time any Bill whose effect is to fill the pockets, handbags and bank accounts of its members and taking as many days off duty as possible.

These examples highlight the best and the worst of parliamentary democracy in Africa.

Our challenge is to ensure that we continue to strengthen democracy across the continent and show zero tolerance for despotic regimes that work to undermine freedom and have no regard for human rights. Democracy is growing in Africa, but South Africa must take the lead in further promoting democracy and helping to reform the regimes of countries like Swaziland, Zimbabwe and the Sudan. Only then will we be able to join all other Africans in celebrating Africa Day as the free citizens of African parliamentary democracies.

Ms N D NTWANAMBI: Madam Speaker, Chairperson of the NCOP, Ministers and Deputy Ministers present, and of course hon members and comrades, let me start by saying: No one knew that one day South Africa would be what it is today thanks to all the African states that assisted us and harboured our comrades.

Somlomo, xa sibhiyozela iminyaka elishumi elinambini yenkululeko nelishumi yoMgaqo-siseko, asikwazi ukuwalibala amazwe awayegcine abantu bethu kwa nokuba amangcwaba abantwana babantu alapho. Sithi kuwo: Maz’ enethole ngokugcina nokunceda amaqabane awayebhacile. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Kulo nyaka, thina makhosikazi sibhiyozela iminyaka engamashumi amahlanu omngcelele wamakhosikazi, esele ixhanyulwa nguyo wonke umntu ngoku, phofu. Xa sikhumbula olu suku sijonga nezinye iintsuku eziphawulwa yiAfrika yonke njengolusuku lwanamhlanje. Ngomhla wama-30 kuJulayi ka-1962 amakhosikazi eAfrika amisela umbutho owaziwa ngokuba yiPan-African Women’s Organisation. Iinjongo zawo yayikukukhulula amakhosikazi engcinezelweni yasemakhaya, emisebenzini nangokwesini. Siyayazi into yetriple oppression ke thina. Ngenxa yongenelelo lwamakhosikazi, neemfazwe ziyancipha eAfrika. Siyazi kananjalo ukuba abona bantu baba ngamaxhoba ngamakhosikazi nabantwana. Bayadlwengulwa okanye basetyenziswe gadalala. Enye yeenjongo zikaPawo yayikukunqanda into yokwenziwa kwabantwana amajoni okanye amasoldati.

Kwiiveki ezimbini ezidlulileyo bekukho inkomfa yamakhosikazi alapha eAfrika ebonisana ngendima anokuyidlala ekukhuliseni uqoqosho emazweni awo. IPawo yayisekelwe kanye iinjongo ezinjengezi. Siyabulela kuSomlomo nakubantu abeququzelele le nkomfa. Yeyona mvuselelo siyifunayo le, ukushumayela inyani emsulwa ebantwini.

Asiyompazamo ukubona iPalamente yeAfrika ikhokelwe yinkosikazi. Kangangendlela anesakhono ngayo amakhosikazi, sinaye nomongameli oyinkosikazi apha eMzantsi Afrika nosekela-mongameli oyinkosikazi kummelwane wethu iZimbabwe. Yinto leyo ebonisa ukuba iinkokeli ziyavuma ukuba indawo yenkosikazi isekukhulisweni koqoqosho nentlalontle kwiAfrika iphela. [Kwaqhwatywa.]

Kulo nyaka, thina makhosikazi eAfrican National Congress sinenjongo yokumanya amanye amakhosikazi achaseneyo nobuhlwempu, indlala, angacaluliyo nabona ukuba intatho-nxaxheba kawonke-wonke yeyona ndlela isa phambili. Siyibona ibalulekile into yokuvuselela iPawo ukuze ijongane nemiba esichaphazelayo nokusebenza neAfrican Union ukuphelisa iimfazwe nendlala. Njengokuba wayetshilo uMongameli emi kweli qonga okokuba ngenye imini ziya kosulwa iinyembezi yaye siya kuncuma, sekuqalile oko apha eAfrika. Sincumile ngoku. Njengabantu abanethemba, iseza kuphela indlala kwiAfrika iphela. Ubuncwane beAfrika buza kuxhanyulwa ngabantwana baseAfrika. Kananjalo njengekholwa ndifuna ukuthi: nemilambo yeli lizwekazi lethu iza kuzaliswa luthando nenkathalelwano.

Mandize apha kuwe ke, tat’ uSeremane. Xa simi apha kweli qonga asithethi naba bantu balapha eNdlwini kuphela, kodwa neli lizwe ngokubanzi. Kufuneka ukuba athi umntu xa emi kweli qonga athethe inyani. Asiyonyani into yokuba uMzantsi Afrika okanye uMongameli uthule yaye uyayazi into yokuba akakhethi cala likabani, uthetha namaqela omabini aseZimbabwe. Mhlawumbi kufuneka ukuba ngenye imini akumeme ukuze uyibone loo nto. Ayikho into enjengale uyithethayo. [Uwelewele.] Xa silwa indlala, siyilwa apha ekhaya nakubamelwane bethu. Asiyonyani into yokuba uMzantsi Afrika awuncedisi ekulweni indlala yaseZimbabwe. Ngaphezulu, uthe kufuneka ukuba abantwana bafundiswe inyani. Kuyathandabuzeka ke ukuba ufundisa inyani eNdlwini. [Kwahlekwa.]

Tat’ uButhelezi, ndifuna ukuthi kuwe: ngesiXhosa sithi ilishwa liyakwazi kowalo. Ngelishwa abantua abahlala ematyotyombeni isesithi. Kufuneka siqiniseke ke ukuba xa sisebenza sisebenzela abantu bethu. Izolo uMphathiswa wezeZindlu, uyiqinisekisile into yokuba amatyotyombe aza kuphela apha eMzantsi Afrika noxa ayengenziwanga ngulo rhulumente. Injongo yakhe kukuwalwa aphele tu. Wonke ubani ufanele ukuba ahlale endlwini eyiyo. Xa ndigqibezela …

USOMLOMO: Uxolo, mama, uzimisele ukuthatha umbuzo kutata?

Nksz N D NTWANAMBI: Ndakube ndigqibezele, Somlomo, ndingawuthatha umbuzo. (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)

[Madam Speaker, as we celebrate 12 years of freedom and 10 years of the South African Constitution, we cannot forget the countries that harboured our people during the struggle for liberation, as well as that many of our country’s patriots’ graves are in those countries. To them we would like to say: Thank you for assisting comrades who were in exile. [Applause.]

Women are celebrating 50 years of the Women’s March that is now enjoyed by everybody. When remembering this day, we also acknowledge the other days that Africa celebrates on this day. On 30 July 1962 the women of Africa launched the Pan-African Women’s Organisation. The objectives were to free women from triple oppression, at home, at work and gender-related oppression. To women, triple oppression is very well known. Even wars are reduced through interventions that are made by women and we know that most of the casualties are women and children. They become victims of rape and abuse too. Pawo’s other objective was to stop conscription of children in armed conflict.

In the last couple of weeks women held an International Women’s Conference to deliberate on their role in the economic recovery of their countries. It is issues such as that that had led to the establishment of Pawo in the first place. We would like to express our gratitude to Madam Speaker and other people who worked with her and organised the event and made it the success that it was. That is the kind of revival we want – the preaching of truth.

It is not a mistake that the Pan-African Parliament has a woman as its president. South Africa and Zimbabwe have female deputy presidents and that too is not a mistake. That actually indicates that women are welcome and are considered to have a role in developing Africa’s economy and its well- being.

The ANC Women’s League aims to unite all women who are against hunger, poverty and racialism, and who view that public participation is the best method to achieve a better future. We view it necessary to revive Pawo in order that women could debate matters that concern them in the context of the African Union. The President stated in one of his addresses that Africa has entered the Age of Hope. We certainly have and we can now smile. As people who have hope, we are certain that hunger will no more be one of Africa’s woes. Africa’s wealth will be enjoyed by the children of Africa. As a Christian too I would like to say: Even the rivers of the continent will be filled with love and there shall be caring for one another.

May I now address you directly, hon Seremane. When somebody decides to speak from the podium, it is important that they tell the truth. It is not true that South Africa or the President is quiet and taking sides in the matter of Zimbabwe and you know it. He engages with both sides that are involved. Perhaps the hon President should invite you to one of the meetings he would hold with the parties concerned. What you said is not true. [Interjections.] It is true that our fight against hunger and poverty is not waged here at home only but in the neighbouring states as well. It is not true that South Africa does not participate in fighting hunger in Zimbabwe. Furthermore, you said that the youth should to be told the truth. It is, however, doubtful that that is what you are doing in this House. [Laughter.]

I would like to say to you, hon Buthelezi: In isiXhosa we say that one’s fate belongs to one. Unfortunately we are the people who still live in informal settlements. It is imperative for us, therefore, to work hard to ensure a better life for the people. Yesterday, the Minister of Housing assured us that the time is coming when no informal settlements shall exist as an alternative to formal housing in South Africa, although they are not of our making but a legacy of the apartheid government. She is determined to fight them. Everyone deserves quality housing. In conclusion …

Prince M G BUTHELEZI: Excuse me hon member, can you take a question?

Ms N D NTWANAMBI: Only after I have concluded my speech, Madam Speaker.]

Prince M G BUTHELEZI: I would just want to know whether my colleague understood my raising the issue of the squatter camps as a point of criticism of government. I was just talking about facts regarding poverty and I spoke about people in Durban who are sleeping on the streets. The comprehension was that I was criticising government.

Ms N D NTWANAMBI: Mandikuphendule, tata. Ndingqinelana nawe xa ndisithi ilishwa liyakwazi kowalo. Ngathi kungakho umntu onokukunceda akutolikele esi siXhosa sam. Mhlawumbi ndingakutolikela sakuphuma apha. [Kwahlekwa.] [Kwaqhwatywa.] [Let me respond to you, hon member. I agree with you when I say that … I wish that somebody could translate for you. Perhaps I could too but only after adjournment. [Laughter.] [Applause.]]

Prince M G BUTHELEZI: That is very clever, by half, anyway. [Laughter.]

USOMLOMO: Uthi uvumelana nawe, baba.

Nksz N D NTWANAMBI: Mandiye phaya kutat’ uPheko. Andazi nokuba akahlali apha eMzantsi Afrika na, akalolungu lale Palamente na. Zonke ezi zinto athi mazenzeke, zezi zenzekayo kodwa mhlawumbi akakaqondi kakuhle. Enye yeenjongo yokuba sibe ngamalungu emibutho epolitikayo kukufundisana ngokwenzekayo apha ekhaya. Akakhange eve nge-APRM? Akayazi neNepad?

AMALUNGU ABEKEKILEYO: Hayi! [Kwahlekwa.]

Nksz N D NTWANAMBI: Akazazi ezi nkqubo? Ufun’ enye? Asizi kukwazi ukuba sithi singekagqibi le, siye kuqala enye phaya. Asingabo oophembeshiya. Andithi ebekhona ngoNovemba/Disemba kulo nyaka uphelileyo ngeliya xesha bekupasiswa imithetho engeedayimani isithi makupolishwe aph’ ekhaya, kurhwetyw’ aph’ ekhaya, siweze ke ngoku.

Ndilusizi ngoMnu Tetjeng. Xa ubhalelwa, ungathethi nto iphuma kuwe, akukwazi kuthetha ngoba uyafunda. [Kwahlekwa.] Ngaphezulu, sisonke thina Bantu balapha eMzantsi Afrika sikhatshwa nguMgaqo-siseko ekwakuvunyelwene ngawo kule Palamente ngo-1996.

Enye yeengxaki zabo kukuba umntu abe nexhala lenkukhu kammelwane engazi kuwafumana amathumbu ayo xa ixheliwe. Mabeme, aba zi kuwafumana amathumbu. Aukho mntu uza kujonga iingxaki zethu. Ukuba abantu bacinga ukuba kukho iingxaki kwi-ANC, azikho. Siyayiphinda loo nto. Eyokuba ngubani oza kukhokela, ixhomekeke kumalungu namasebe eAfrican National Congress, hayi kubantu abamamela unomathotholo. [Uwelewele.] [Kwaqhwatywa.] Asixelelwa ngamajelo eendaba thina ukuba masihambe njani. Siyayazi indlela yethu. Siyazazi ukuba siya phi sisazi nokuba siza kuthini sakufika apho siya khona. Ukuba ngaba bekungekho kwiAfrican National Congress ngoku ukulawula, ngelinjani eli lizwe? Kutheni ningenambulelo wokuba noko abantu behlangene ngoku, akukho zigebenga? Ndiyabulela, Somlomo. [Kwaqhwatywa.] (Translation of isiXhosa paragraphs follows.)

[The SPEAKER: She says that she agrees with what you say, sir.]

Ms N D NTWANAMBI: Let me answer hon Pheko. I am not sure whether he is or is not a South African citizen as well as a member of this Parliament. All the things he suggests should happen are in place as we speak. Educating one another is another reason for our membership to political organisations. Has he never heard about APRM? Does he not know about Nepad?

HON MEMBERS: No! [Laughter.]

Ms N D MTWANAMBI: Does he not know about these programmes? Does he want another one? We cannot start another while we have not concluded the first one. We are determined to finish what we have started off. The Diamonds Amendment Bill was passed in November/December last year and it states that diamond beneficiation should be done in South Africa and only the final product should be exported.

It is always regretful when somebody writes a speech for somebody else, hon Tetjeng, because you only read that which has been prepared for you, thereby displaying no insight into the matter under discussion. [Laughter.] The Constitution of South Africa, which was adopted by all South Africans in 1996, guides us in all the decisions we take as the citizens of the country.

Their other problem is that they concern themselves too much about the neighbour’s issues while they know that they are not going to benefit at all from that. Kindly keep away, for no one will take care of our business. If people think the ANC has problems, then they are wrong, for it has none. We have repeatedly said that. The question of succession is dependent on the ANC members and branches and not on those who only depend on the radio for information. [Interjections.] [Applause.] The media does not dictate to us. We have our way of doing things. We are well aware of our programme of action, that is, where we are and what the next step shall be. What do you think this country would be like if the ANC had not taken the reign of power? Why are you not grateful that people are now united and no more hostility exists among them? Thank you, Madam Speaker. [Applause.]]

Debate concluded.

The Speaker of the National Assembly adjourned the Joint Sitting at 12:49.