WEDNESDAY, 15 MARCH 2000 __

                PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY
                                ____

The House met at 15:05.

The Speaker took the Chair and requested members to observe a moment of silence for prayers or meditation.

ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS - see col 000

INTERPELLATIONS, QUESTIONS AND REPLIES - see that book.

                          NOTICES OF MOTION

Ms B O DLAMINI: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes with shock and horror the death of Janet Mngadi after she had been attacked by two pitbull terriers when she arrived to work for her employer, Sgt Deon de Welzim, in Amanzimtoti in KwaZulu-Natal;

(2) believes that pitbulls are a threat to the safety of law-abiding citizens;

(3) calls on Government to prohibit the breeding and keeping of these animals; and

(4) extends its condolences to the family of Ms Mngadi.

Mnr A J BOTHA: Mevrou die Speaker, ek gee kennis dat ek op die volgende sittingsdag namens die DP sal voorstel:

Dat die Huis -

(1) met skok kennis neem van die bewerings van President Mbeki, soos verwoord deur ‘n ANC-woordvoerder, dat -

   (a)  daar in Mpumalanga plase is waarop slawearbeid bedryf word;


   (b)  party mense daar nog lewe soos die eerste slawe aan die Kaap
       geleef het in die koloniale tydperk; en


   (c)  rassistiese kommando's plaaswerkers terroriseer en vermoor;

(2) dié bewerings, indien gegrond, beskou as ‘n baie ernstige aanklag teen die Regering dat sulke beweerde toestande nog op enige plek in Suid-Afrika kan bestaan, en te meer as ‘n klag teen talle Kabinetslede omdat dit ‘n besoek van die President aan Mpumalanga verg om hierdie bewerings aan die lig te bring; en

(3) by gebrek aan enige stawende getuienis tot op hede van sulke algemene wantoestande deur die Ministers van Arbeid, Verdediging, Landbou en Grondsake, Veiligheid en Sekuriteit of Justisie en Staatkundige Ontwikkeling, die President versoek om homself van hierdie verklaring te distansieer.

[Tyd verstreke.] (Translation of Afrikaans notice of motion follows.)

[Mr A J BOTHA: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move on behalf of the DP:

That the House -

(1) notes with shock the allegations by President Mbeki, as expressed by an ANC spokesperson, that -

   (a)  there are farms in Mpumalanga where slave labour is practised;

   (b)  some people there are still living like the first slaves in the
       Cape did during the colonial period; and

   (c)  racist commandos are terrorising and killing farm workers;

(2) regards these allegations, if justified, as a very serious charge against the Government that such alleged conditions can still prevail anywhere in South Africa, and moreover as a charge against many members of the Cabinet, because it took a visit by the President to Mpumalanga to bring these allegations to light; and

(3) in the absence of any corroborating evidence to date regarding such shocking conditions by the Ministers of Labour, of Defence, for Agriculture and Land Affairs, of Safety and Security or for Justice and Constitutional Development, requests the President to distance himself from this statement.

[Time expired.]]

Mr M F CASSIM: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House, whereas -

(1) the South African Government is committed to promoting the development of cultural industries, both on account of job creation and of the promotion of our heritage;

(2) film-making is one such activity with a vast potential for showcasing our culture and heritage for job creation; and (3) countries in West Africa, Asia and South America have now established themselves as important new players in this ever expanding industry,

urges the South African Government to -

   (a)  promote film-making in the Southern African Development
       Community by facilitating easier cross-border movements;

   (b)  encourage the showing of such films made in the area;

   (c)  support film festivals; and

   (d)  generally create a climate which is conducive to nurturing this
       infant industry within the South African Development Community.

Ms B P SONJICA: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House - (1) notes that President Mbeki launched National Water Week at Vygekraal River today;

(2) recognises that water is a scarce resource and that water management and conservation are critical to the well-being of our country and of future generations;

(3) supports this initiative of the Department of Water Affairs and Forestry;

(4) commends Government for its creative management of water resources; and

(5) calls on all South Africans to use water wisely and sparingly.

Mnr J DURAND: Mevrou die Speaker, ek gee hiermee kennis dat ek op die volgende sittingsdag namens die Nuwe NP sal voorstel:

Dat die Huis -

 1) daarvan kennis neem dat die aangewese provinsiale tesourier van
    Mpumalanga, Ivan Maswanganye, deur Statistiek Suid-Afrika geskors is
    weens beweerde ongerymdhede betreffende sy professionele
    kwalifikasies; (Translation of Afrikaans notice of motions follows.)

[Mr J DURAND: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move on behalf of the New NP:

That the House -

(1) notes that the provincial treasurer designate of Mpumalanga, Ivan Maswanganye, was suspended by Statistics South Africa for alleged discrepancies in his professional qualifications;]

(2) notes that he alleges that the ANC helped him to manufacture a matric certificate and degrees from Unisa and Harvard and instructed him to infiltrate private sector companies to further ANC objectives;

(3) requests President Mbeki to investigate the claim regarding the ANC’s alleged degree-printing and industrial espionage; and

(4) calls on the South African Government to introduce a new system of certification and verification of qualifications submitted by job applicants.

Mr S ABRAM: Madam Speaker, I give notice that at the next sitting of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) pays tribute to the Agricultural Research Council for -

   (a)  its multifaceted research projects, embracing 15 institutes
       involving the total agriculture-related spectrum;


   (b)  providing practical training in and courses on the total
       spectrum;


   (c)  promoting a variety of projects aimed at sustainable job
       creation; and


   (d)  promoting small-scale farming activities; and

(2) calls on the Minister for Agriculture and Land Affairs to -

   (a)  request the ARC to conduct research into the agricultural
       viability of all state-owned land with a view to settling and
       empowering previously disadvantaged people on the land; and


   (b)  provide sufficient funding to the ARC to enable it to continue
       with its exemplary efforts.

The CHIEF WHIP OF THE MAJORITY PARTY: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that the Leader of the New NP, the hon Van Schalkwyk has been quoted as saying that his party believes the Renamo leader, Alfonso Dhlakama, to be ``the de facto President’’ of Mozambique;

(2) recalls that President Chissano’s election was declared free and fair by international observers, including representatives from this House;

(3) deplores the recklessness displayed by Mr Van Schalkwyk which could lead to the resumption of the bloodbath in Mozambique, with dire consequences for South Africa; and

(4) assures our neighbouring states, and Mozambique in particular, that this honourable House is fully respectful of their sovereignty.

Ms C DUDLEY: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that at the next sitting of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) calls on Government drastically to reduce import taxes and duties on musical instruments as they are prohibiting the development of our South African musicians;

(2) calls on Government to redefine musical instruments as ``tools’’ of the industry and not to classify them as luxury items; (3) appeals to the Government not to put musical instruments out of reach of most South Africans through exorbitant prices, as this is culturally destructive; and

(4) recognises that arts such as Kwela music are dying because even a tin whistle costs R120.

Mnr C AUCAMP: Mevrou die Speaker, ek gee hiermee kennis dat ek op die volgende sittingsdag sal voorstel:

Dat die Huis -

(1) met sorg kennis neem van die klaarblyklike steun wat mnr Mugabe gee aan die onwettige besetters van plase in Zimbabwe deur sy gebrek aan optrede en sy uitspraak: ``If they don’t give the land, our people will take the land’’;

(2) versoek dat enige moontlike finansiële hulp aan Zimbabwe opgeskort word tot tyd en wyl die regering van mnr Mugabe groter sensitiwiteit teenoor die basiese menseregte van sy burgers openbaar;

(3) die OAE versoek om teen die regering van mnr Mugabe op te tree in die lig van OAE-sanksies teen lidlande wat ondemokraties optree, welke ondemokratiese optrede van die Mugabe-regering duidelik blyk uit die verontagsaming van die uitgesproke wil van die meerderheid kiesers van Zimbabwe in die onlangse referendum; en

 4) die Regering versoek om groter politieke wil ten opsigte van die
    beskerming van die eiendomsreg van sy burgers te openbaar, onder
    meer deur sterker optrede om plaasmoorde te voorkom, welke moorde 'n
    nog laakbaarder manier is om wettige grondeienaars tot die
    ontruiming van hul eiendom te dwing. (Translation of Afrikaans notice of motion follows.)

[Mr C AUCAMP: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes with concern the apparent support Mr Mugabe is giving to unlawful occupants of farms in Zimbabwe, by way of his lack of action and his statement: “If they don’t give the land, our people will take the land”;

(2) requests that any possible financial aid to Zimbabwe be suspended until such time as Mr Mugabe’s government displays greater sensitivity regarding the basic human rights of his citizens;

(3) requests the OAU to act against the government of Mr Mugabe, in the light of OAU sanctions against member states which act undemocratically, which undemocratic action by the Mugabe government is apparent from the disregard for the expressed will of the majority of voters in Zimbabwe during the recent referendum; and

(4) requests the Government to display greater political will with regard to the protection of the property rights of its citizens, inter alia by way of stronger action to prevent farm murders, which are an even more reprehensible method of forcing legal landowners to vacate their property.]

Mrs S F BALOYI: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move:

That the House -

(1) notes that Pfizer, the manufacturers of Diflucan, a drug used in the treatment of Aids patients, is under pressure from Aids activists to reduce the cost of this drug;

(2) further notes that this drug is produced in Thailand for about R3 per tablet as opposed to the R36,33 that the state must pay for the drug in South Africa; and

(3) calls upon multinational drug manufacturers to balance humanitarian considerations with the profit motive and to support calls to bridge the gap between human need, scientific effort and market returns.

[Applause.]

Ms J A SEMPLE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the DP:

That the House -

(1) notes the tragic and untimely deaths of teenager Bernadine Naudé of Germiston during a driving lesson on Sunday and also that of Johan Kruger in Randpark Ridge on his return from the Argus Cycle Tour;

(2) further notes that both these deaths occurred during the hijacking of their motor vehicles;

(3) expresses its deep sympathy with the victims’ families;

(4) urges the SA Police Service to increase visible policing on our streets;

(5) condemns the Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development for playing down the seriousness of incidents of hijacking; and

(6) expresses the hope that the perpetrators of these and other such violent crimes will be speedily arrested and made to realise that those who do the crime must do the time.

[Applause.] Dr K RAJOO: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the IFP:

That the House -

(1) commends the Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, the hon Valli Moosa, for his comprehensive National State of the Environment Report, released in October 1999;

(2) notes that many of the country’s ecosystems have been degraded and are unable to meet the needs of the country and that this is of great concern to the people of this country;

(3) notes that it is a shocking state of affairs that more than 5 million tons of hazardous waste is produced annually, of which only 5% can be accounted for in proper waste disposal sites;

(4) urges the Minister urgently to bring the offenders to book and to take the necessary steps to correct the situation; (5) notes that today 17 million hectares of cultivated soil is affected by erosion and that this waste must be stemmed by large-scale scientific farming methods;

(6) is of the opinion that greater interest by the line-function Ministers must be displayed in establishing more agricultural colleges …

[Time expired.]

Ms M M MAUNYE: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that the Department of Foreign Affairs has embarked on a road to turn the African renaissance into a reality;

(2) recognises that this initiative of establishing a fund should be encouraged, as it will assist in the building of democracy throughout Africa; and

(3) commends the Ministry for taking this bold step to assist with the deployment of experts in the electoral and conciliation fields to emerging African democracies.

[Applause.]

Mnr F BEUKMAN: Mevrou die Speaker, ek gee kennis dat ek op die volgende sittingsdag namens die Nuwe NP sal voorstel:

Dat die Huis -

(1) met ernstige kommer kennis neem van die storting van ‘n groot hoeveelheid lugbrandstof deur ‘n kommersiële vliegtuig in die ekologies sensitiewe Valsbaai, wat aangrensend aan die Helderberg is;

(2) die Minister van Omgewingsake en Toerisme dringend versoek om ‘n kommissie van ondersoek aan te stel om die storting van lugbrandstof in Valsbaai te ondersoek;

(3) by die Minister aanbeveel dat die kommissie bestaan uit ‘n senior landdros, ‘n mariene-bioloog, ‘n advokaat en ‘n lid van Burgerlike Lugvaart;

(4) versoek dat die kommissie op ‘n dringende grondslag terugrapporteer aan die Huis oor die aangeleentheid en aanbevelings, voorkomend en remediërend, doen om die storting van lugbrandstof in Valsbaai te voorkom; en

 5) 'n beroep op die Regering doen om te verseker dat 'n ekologies
    sensitiewe gebied en nasionale bate soos Valsbaai nie deur
    besoedeling benadeel word nie. (Translation of Afrikaans notice of motion follows.)

[Mr F BEUKMAN: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day I shall move on behalf of the New NP:

That the House -

(1) notes with serious concern the dumping of a large quantity of aviation fuel by a commercial aeroplane in the ecologically sensitive False Bay, which borders on the Helderberg;

(2) urgently requests the Minister of Environmental Affairs and Tourism to appoint a commission of inquiry to investigate the dumping of aviation fuel in False Bay;

(3) recommends to the Minister that the commission consisting of a senior magistrate, a marine biologist, an advocate and a member of Civil Aviation;

(4) requests that the commission urgently reports back to the House regarding the matter and makes recommendations - preventative and remedial - to prevent the dumping of aviation fuel in False Bay; and

(5) appeals to the Government to ensure that an ecologically sensitive area and national asset like False Bay is not damaged by pollution.]

Prof L M MBADI: Madam Speaker, I hereby give notice that at the next sitting of the House I shall move on behalf of the UDM:

That the House - (1) notes with deep appreciation and satisfaction the delivery of high quality houses by the SA Homeless People’s Federation of the Victoria Mxenge township to their members, who are women;

(2) admires the acquisition of building skills by women and their dedication to the upliftment of their lives; and

(3) urges the Government to put money into organisations such as these, where one does not have to ask where the money has gone to, as one can see it.

Mr G D SCHNEEMANN: Madam Speaker, I give notice that on the next sitting day of the House I shall move on behalf of the ANC:

That the House -

(1) notes that the Human Rights Commission hearings on racism have provoked intense debate and have brought to the surface tensions, bitterness and hurt that is the legacy of our apartheid past and its consequences; (2) recognises that these hearings have caused decision-makers to examine the prejudices that they may carry which affect the professional decisions they make and the views that they take;

(3) believes that the hearings showed that it is possible for South Africans of opposing views to debate constructively on the most difficult issues of the day without resorting to coercion;

(4) applauds the positive outcomes that have already been achieved by this process of the Human Rights Commission; and

(5) keenly awaits the conclusion of the hearings and the commission’s report.

[Applause.]

                         APPROPRIATION BILL

Resumption of Debate on Vote No 11 - Foreign Affairs: The DEPUTY MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, Ministers and hon members, yesterday the Minister and many other speakers warned South Africans of the dire consequences of violating UN sanctions against Unita.

At the outset, I must tell the hon member Holomisa, who blissfully governed the so-called independent homeland and, indeed, who so grossly mismanaged it, to stop living in the world of illusions and stop making unsubstantiated allegations that the South African Government is violating UN sanctions, and also actively participating in the DRC conflict.

The truth is that South Africa has taken various measures to prevent sanctions-busting. Let me mention a few. SADC’s Interstate Defence and Security Committee created an ad hoc task team to investigate the issue and co-ordinate information received. The regional information centre was based in Harare, with national information centres in all SADC countries, including South Africa.

Secondly, the SA National Interdepartmental Structure for Border Control was established in 1997. As part of the activities, Operation Jacuzzi was launched in October 1997, as an initiative to counter goods being smuggled out of the country and to improve law enforcement at South African airports. Thirdly, to prevent smuggling, the number of South African international airports were reduced from 40 to 10, and security was improved. Fourthly, the documentation processes at road and rail border crossings have also been improved.

Fifthly, the Regulation of Foreign Military Assistance Act, Act 15 of 1998, also contributed to individuals and companies scaling down the direct involvement and support of the conflicting parties in Angola. This afternoon, the final report on violations of Security Council sanctions against Unita will be released. I must announce that we have co-operated fully with the committee. The contents have been reported extensively in the media and I will, therefore, take the liberty to comment on the report.

In terms of the report, the South African Government has not been accused of participating in violations of the sanctions. However, the report does identify some South African individuals who have actively been violating the sanctions, either from South Africa or from other countries. To name but a few: Firstly, Ronnie Decker, code-named ``Watson’’, who was a major military equipment supplier and was responsible for supplying foreign trainers to train Unita soldiers to use the SAM16 missile system. Secondly, Joe de Decker, a one-time De Beers site-holder who currently runs De Decker Diamonds in South Africa. Thirdly, a Namibian/South African national, J Parreira, who operates an air cargo company, Northern Namibia Distributors. He also operates an air charter company named Interstate Airways from South Africa. Fourthly, a Russian national, Victor Bout, who used his two companies, Air Cess and Air Pass, to smuggle commodities from South Africa. Today, because of our restrictions, he has moved his operations to another country. Fifthly, Piet Hand, who operates from Johannesburg. He is laundering Unita diamonds to South Africa and, according to the report, has contact with a number of licensed small-mine operators in South Africa. He mixes Unita diamonds with production from these mines, which is then legally exported as South African production.

This is very dangerous for the region’s diamond producers, because governments and NGOs throughout the world are preparing to launch an international consumer boycott through the Conflict Diamonds Campaign. This linkage between diamonds and conflict in Angola, Sierra Leone and the Congo can create very negative consumer views of African diamonds, resulting in serious consequences for the legitimate diamond industry.

We are happy to note that De Beers, which is the main buyer of diamonds in the world, in 1999 ceased buying any Angolan diamonds and have committed themselves to introducing realistic measures to deal with illegal diamonds. I am also happy to note that the Fowler report -

… shares the concerns expressed by legitimate diamond producers, particularly in Southern Africa, that international solutions to the Angolan problem must not be allowed to drag down an entire global industry on which this country depends so heavily.

The South African Minister of Minerals and Energy and her counterparts in Botswana and Namibia are co-ordinating our regional efforts to ensure that any campaign against illegal conflict diamonds should not negatively impact on the legitimate diamond industry in our region. The report further states that Lanseria Airport continues to be associated with smuggling activity in support of Unita. The relevant authorities in South Africa have been instructed to investigate this and to take all necessary action.

Furthermore, Mr Hain, the British Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs also gave the British House of Commons the following names: Firstly, David Zollman, who is based in Namibia and is estimated to move $4 million worth of diamonds to Antwerp for Unita every month. Secondly, his brother, Maurice Zollman, who is carrying out similar activities in South Africa. Thirdly, Hennie Steyn, a South African pilot who flies diamond for Maurice Zollman. He also acts as a middleman for Unita, selling diamonds to European dealers, and owns part of Unita’s diamond concession. Fourthly, an Irishman resident in Botswana, Dennis Coghlan, who provides storing facilities in Gaborone for Unita.

Furthermore, the Mail & Guardian of 18 February this year reported that a South African pilot, Ivan Pienaar, was recruiting Ukrainian air crews on behalf of Unita. He was also allegedly co-ordinating the provision of supplies to Unita, and flies for King Air, which is owned by Jannie Smith, a Parys businessman. Pienaar also flies a Lear jet, which is registered in the tax haven of Delaware in the USA and is owned by a South African. So clearly, South African individuals with past connections to Unita are continuing to flout South African legislation and international sanctions against Unita.

The South African Government considers sanctions a very important mechanism to bring about a negotiated solution to the conflict in Angola, and therefore we will do everything possible to ensure that they are effectively implemented. I want to stress again that if evidence enables us to prosecute the sanctions busters, they must and will be prosecuted.

Yesterday, in her speech, the Minister said that the agenda of the African century for the African renaissance would be our priority. The continuing conflicts in some parts of the African continent, as well as the continued economic crisis in some of our countries, have obscured the determined efforts made by Africa to tackle the scourge of conflicts in a holistic way and to seriously work for the achievement of our vision of an African renaissance.

As we will be hosting the OAU summit in June 2002, it is vital that we have a more informed understanding of the OAU and its activities. Since its inception, the OAU, guided by its charter, the OAU has been seized with the objectives of peace and sustainable development and has adopted many charters and treaties in this respect. These charters and treaties are available, and I hope that members will begin to study them, because then that will convince us that we do not have to be taught by others about democracy, human rights and good governance. Most of these treaties and charters are based on a growing realisation that peace, stability, security and sustainable development are dialectically and inextricably linked to good governance, transparency, violations of human rights, lack of democracy, empowerment of people to take charge of their own destinies, poverty, underdevelopment, corruption and foreign rapacious exploitation of our natural resources.

With a new sense of confidence and in the belief that Africans must become determinants of their own destinies and that Africa’s problems must be solved by Africans, albeit with the support of the international community, the OAU heads of state and government meeting in Algiers in July 1999 proclaimed the year 2000 as a year of peace, security and solidarity in Africa. It called on all our countries to intensify their efforts to end all conflicts by the end of this year. As the Minister said earlier in response to a question, the summit further expressed its grave concerns about the resurgence of coups d’etat in Africa and, as the Minister indicated, undertook to take certain measures. The OAU subcommittee on unconstitutional changes has been reactivated to finalise its work as regards measures to be applied in coup d’etat situations occurring in member states. I believe that this offers the South African Government, and indeed Parliament, the opportunity to contribute to the formulation of a comprehensive OAU position on this matter. I therefore want to call on the portfolio committees to participate actively with the Department of Foreign Affairs and other relevant Ministries to prepare for such a formulation.

The heads of state in Algiers also candidly posed the question: Do we in the OAU have the capacity to meet our challenges? Consequently, an extraordinary summit of the OAU heads of state and government was convened in Sirte in Libya to look at ways of strengthening the organisation to make it more effective in order to meet the challenges thrown up by the rapid political, economic and social developments within and outside our continent.

I am happy to say that after frank discussions, the extraordinary summit resolved to revitalise our organisation, the OAU, to that it would play a more active role. It also reiterated the call to eliminate the scourge of conflicts. It also decided, firstly, to establish the Pan African Parliament by the year 2000. Secondly, the summit also called for the establishment of the African union. Consultants employed by the OAU have already made recommendations on these initiatives which raise many fundamental issues. I believe that these initiatives will have serious implications for all of us, and I urge that all sectors in Government, including Parliament urgently analyse these recommendations so that we can make the necessary inputs into the debate.

The third major decision was to convene the first African Ministerial conference on security, stability, development and co-operation. South Africa is part of the OAU steering committee mandated to prepare for this crucial conference. The African conference will be held in Abuja, Nigeria, from 8 to 9 May 2000. Ministers and officials responsible for foreign affairs, security, stability, development and co-operation will be participating in this important conference. Our deliberations at this conference will be underpinned by our perspective that peace can be promoted through effective institutions of conflict prevention, management and resolution. Also, respect for democratic values, human rights and fundamental liberties are vital prerequisites for the achievement of security, stability, development and co-operation.

This will be the first time that such an important conference on such a big scale will take place. I want, again, to call on the Parliament and NGOs to work very closely with the relevant Ministers and departments to make the conference a huge success. All this, I believe, gives greater urgency to South Africa’s participation in peace support operations.

As colleagues are aware, since 1994 there has been a growing acceptance of South Africa’s important role in influencing post-Cold-War international relations. This includes the need for South Africa to play a crucial role in conflict prevention and participating in peace support operations. The White Paper on South Africa’s participation in international peace missions was tabled in Parliament on 24 February 1999. It states and I quote: The nature of peace missions has changed dramatically over the past decade.

The military is now but one of the many role-players in processes in which surveillance have become increasingly essential to peace missions’ success.

Our strong national interest and experience in the peaceful resolution of seemingly intractable conflicts compel us to participate in peace missions. Such participation is increasingly a prerequisite for international respectability and for an authoritative voice in the debate on the future of international conflict management and the reform of intergovernmental organisations such as the UN, the OAU and SADC. It is, therefore, no longer a debate whether or not we are going to participate in peace support missions, but how and when.

I believe very strongly, as the President and the Minister has said, that South Africa has a duty to participate in peace support missions and will have to do so. I am very happy to note that the SANDF has already started specialised training for its personnel, and I am convinced that we will be able to excel in all such peace-support operations that we will be undertaking.

In thanking all participants in this discussion, let me say that the challenges confronting not only Foreign Affairs but the country as a whole in the coming periods to ensure that we make this an African century in which African growth, development and peace are a reality, will require much stronger commitment to our responsibilities on the African continent and to other Southern African countries. [Applause.]

Mr M E MABETA: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, hon Minister and members, I wish to join my colleagues on both sides of the House in congratulating the Minister on her new appointment in Foreign Affairs. We also thank her for the comprehensive speech on our foreign policy.

From a brief communication with the acting deputy director- general, it is clear that new efforts are being made to transform the department. We also congratulate the new director- general, Mr Sipho Pityana, on his appointment.

We want to state that the UDM fully supports the objectives given by the Minister on our foreign policy, and hope that she will pay attention to the various issues that will influence the attainment of those stated objectives in the short and long terms. We recognise and accept the salience of the African renaissance as the philosophical basis of our foreign policy. It must of necessity require that we emphasise and clearly articulate the importance of African continental concerns in our policies in consistent and coherent detail.

Logically, this requires the hon the Minister seriously to examine the discrepancy in the budgetary allocations for Europe and the Americas on the one hand and Africa on the other. As these stand at the moment they reflect a distorting, and indeed a disturbing, European bias which betrays our commitment to the ideal of the African renaissance, which has now received universal acceptance as a guiding principle of our policies.

I would like to illustrate this commitment by referring to our scheme of responses in Africa. Allow me to use Zimbabwe as an example where the miraculous feat of saving 13 000 or more lives, against overwhelming odds, was achieved. The UDM bows its head in humility to these heroic efforts by our gallant sons and daughters. We applaud our Department of Foreign Affairs which has created the channels of communication and bridges that have made it possible for the Ministry of Defence to reach out to our brothers and sisters in their tragic dilemma. We commend the department, organs of state and nongovernmental organisations for their invaluable service in this regional crisis.

The hon the Minister of Foreign Affairs has the unenviable task of dragging out of the historical quagmire a department that ranks among the front line of those that carry the heaviest baggage of our dark past. The capacity for the fulfilment of the national objectives of transforming the societal disabilities of the past, and the creation of an external environment conducive to this end, is lacking in the current make-up of the Department of Foreign Affairs.

This incapacity derives from the fact that scrupulous ground rules, agreed on at the negotiation table and which were intended to salvage the revolutionary principles which had formed the bedrock of our liberation, are undermined by the die-hards of the old boys’ club in the department. These people continue to exploit the opportunities created by the levelling of the playing field, such as the sunset clauses, to create pockets of resistance which have provided them with a platform from which to pursue their own agendas and thereby prolong their tenure of control over policy formulation and administration in the department.

A credible process which was representative of the apartheid government and the TBVC component on the one hand, and the ANC department of international affairs on the other, which was charged with the responsibility of creating a new structure for the envisaged department of foreign affairs that would reflect the democratic principles enshrined in the new Constitution, was scuppered by Mr Rusty Evans’ high-handed dissolution of all integration processes and his unilateral imposition of the apartheid foreign affairs structure as the legitimate Department of Foreign Affairs, which was to form the basis of any future structure.

We need to know that, at the time of Mr Rusty Evans’ departure, right up to the succession of Mr Jackie Selebi as director-general and his subsequent departure to become Commissioner of Police, no structural changes in the organisation of the Department of Foreign Affairs and the development of management personnel had taken place to reverse the process which willy- nilly imposed the old foreign affairs order. In fairness to the recent director-general incumbent, we must give him a chance to show us what he can do to change this sorry tale. The UDM will support him in all efforts directed at transformation.

Time does not allow us to dwell on the excesses of race discrimination and marginalisation of black public servants in the Department of Foreign Affairs perpetuated by the apartheid management which continues to run the show. However, the result is a classical schism and animosity within the ranks of the blacks and, of course, the sustenance of the old white apartheid personnel hegemony in the department, which has not changed.

This lack of capacity has led to incorrect judgments when attempting to help resolve disputes in neighbouring countries of Southern Africa, for example, the Lesotho debacle, our failure to intervene effectively and constructively in the constitutional political crisis in Swaziland, the inability of the Department of Foreign Affairs to prevent the supply of arms to Unita, which has undermined our credibility, and the DRC conflict where we are perceived to be taking a partisan way against other parties. We hope that these matters can be attended to. [Time expired.]

Mr D J SITHOLE: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, hon members, it is of great interest for me to participate in the budget of Foreign Affairs, because the key question that one has is: Is this budget about the rands and cents, or is it about the pursuance of the Reconstruction and Development Programme of our country and the continent?

This issue is important to us in South Africa because we need, as individuals and as a country, to contribute to the rebuilding of Africa, and in ensuring that we have a lasting peace for all our people on the continent. Africa faces challenges of poverty, war and underdevelopment. It will not help anyone to abdicate the responsibility to rebuild this continent. As Africans, we have no alternative but to meet the challenges of reconstruction and development of Africa.

We are told that the emigration of skills from this continent is due to a lack of leadership and sound policies. Others say that it is due to the lack of the protection of the rights of minorities. The question is: Who should provide these good policies and the leadership that we all speak about? Who should provide these needed skills on this continent if all of us are leaving the continent for greener pastures?

Virtually every day, people come to our country from neighbouring countries, motivated by hunger and the possibility of a better opportunity in South Africa. How we treat these people and relate to them will be an indication of how we equal our responsibility to the continent. Our commitment to build a better life for our people will extend to the heart of the continent. We must enrich the system of democracy both in our country and on the continent.

In its 8 January 2000 statement, the ANC committed itself to the building of unity and to fighting against all those who seek to divide our people on ethnic, racial, tribal and regional grounds. Hence our human-rights culture that does not seek to segregate people in terms of their colour and their creed - as hon Boy Geldenhuys should note. The minorities are protected as citizens of this country, and not by virtue of them subscribing to particular minority groups.

We must build a strong moral and political mass-based movement to reject those who are bent on perpetuating narrow nationalism at the expense of the African continent. The Foreign Affairs policy says:

The primary focus of Foreign Affairs policy is the promotion of the African renaissance on the domestic, regional and international level. South Africa plays an increasing and active role within Southern Africa and on the African continent as a whole, particularly through the regional organisation of SADC and the OAU.

The new South African patriotism requires a commitment, not only to our country, but to the continent as a whole. Others will want to make us believe that being patriotic means reconciling black and white in South Africa, and not beyond our borders. They said to our President: ``Leave Zimbabwe to sink; and we will deal with its aftermath.’’

The assistance we give is not to individual governments, nor for that matter, to heads of states. South African assistance is directed at the welfare of the poor of these countries. As South Africans, we will not afford the luxury of thinking that we can survive in prosperity while the rest of Africa sinks into chaos. African patriotism does not mean that we should support dictators. It requires us to assume our responsibility as a stable, developing democracy to support the weak, the poor and those who are subjected to the power of the powerful.

Our Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, said: ``South Africa cannot be an island of prosperity in a sea of misery and hunger.’’ That is true. How can we prosper while abject poverty beyond our borders kills children and women? Patriotism, by its very nature, demands sacrifice and commitment to the cause of one’s country and continent. To be loyal to one’s country and the continent is a prerequisite for playing a meaningful role in international politics. What is it that we are really talking about? What patriotism are we talking about? It is a moral and political principle, a social freedom whose content is love for one’s homeland, devotion to it, pride in its past and present, and readiness to defend its interests.

Historically, the elements of patriotism such as attachment to one’s native land, language and tradition have their roots in our past. With the establishment of the apartheid dictatorship, patriotism ceased to reflect the aspirations of the whole nation. It was reduced to the narrow interests of the white minority of exploiters and fused with chauvinism. National narrow-mindedness, national egoism and chauvinism are less relevant in Africa today. South Africa’s concerns are African concerns, just as African concerns are South Africa’s.

In our statement on 8 January we said that, through our own effort, we must make the 21st century an African century. The fundamental part of our commitment is to ensure that the resolution of the African problem is at the centre of our programmes. As a result of the persistent guidance and leadership of the liberation movement, South Africa now occupies a place of honour on the continent. However, the challenge of the 21st century is to eradicate hunger and to give security and peace to the weak and the poor, and to give hope to women and children. We in the ANC understand the role played by Africa in our liberation. It is now our turn as a country to play a constructive role in rebuilding this continent.

The involvement of Comrade Mandela in Burundi, his contribution to the resolution of the Lockerbie crisis and our involvement in Northern Ireland and East Timor are all indications of our seriousness in correcting the ills of the past. The wars in the DRC and Angola continue to be high on our agenda. Hence, the time spent by our Minister of Foreign Affairs in resolving these crises is testimony to this. We take pride in the devotion shown by these cadres of our movement in undertaking such a difficult responsibility.

How can we be free if Africa is immersed in poverty, in preventable diseases, including HIV/Aids, in unemployment and in hunger for land, lacks safety and security, and is immersed in corrupt and tyrannical regimes? The wars that are robbing Africa of its peace and ubuntu should be addressed in such a way that an African solution is found. We cannot continue to pretend that these wars have no commercial value for other people and sometimes for developed nations.

If South Africa is to succeed in its endeavours to contribute towards the resolution of Africa’s problems, then each of us must make a commitment to this continent. This Vote seeks to secure our contribution as a country to the rebuilding of a better Africa.

I must take time to thank the hon member Colin Eglin for his contribution to this debate, and extend an invitation, through our national Deputy President, of membership of the ANC, which will definitely be considered should he consider joining. That is because he has shown consistently, even within the portfolio committee, that he has outgrown the narrow thinking represented by the leader in his party. [Interjections.]

My role is to actively support my fellow Africans for one reason: I am an African myself, and hence I will support their endeavours. The ANC will continually support the Vote and make sure that the department does achieve its objective. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Adv Z L MADASA: Deputy Speaker, the ACDP supports the budget of the Minister and wishes to congratulate the new director-general on his appointment, which was made on merit and not because we were schoolmates. We would like to receive an input from the Minister, when she replies, on the progress made to recover incorrect remunerations, as it appears from the report by Judge White’s commission that no remittances have been made to the department as yet.

As the Minister said yesterday, if South Africa is to play a leadership role on the continent, then we must put our own house in order. Before we go too far in teaching other nations about democracy, let us institute freedom of speech in this House and lead by example. As the hon the Minister said today, South Africa should lead by example.

The issue I am dealing with here, if I may deviate from the debate, is to say that there is little time for smaller opposition parties to debate in the National Assembly. What are opposition parties supposed to say during such an important debate with the little time allocated to them? Are we to endorse the executive’s decisions and keep quiet? Are we to just record disagreement and keep quiet? Are we to stand up, only to be shouted down and then have our time end? Are we to listen and watch the ruling party parade speaker after speaker, or are we to participate in an effective debate?

The ACDP, despite the fact that it has six members in the House, has been afforded almost equal time as parties with one man or woman. Parliament is an independent institution. Parliament has a constitutional obligation to oversee the executive, to watch it and to monitor it. We cannot be expected to discharge our duties in two minutes. We cannot be expected to engage in a meaningful debate with the time that is allocated to us. We ask the Minister to use her influence in the ruling party to have the matter relooked at. [Time expired.]

Mrs F MAHOMED: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, colleagues and friends, in the name of God the most gracious and the most merciful, the hopelessness of apartheid has bruised our human dignity and compressed us into confined spaces. But our remarkable and outstanding leaders have made efforts to steer our untapped human potential towards a developmental approach.

As a nation with so many challenges, we have indeed become a member of the global world and are no longer isolated. In fact, we are very much part of the global world. Our country is seen as a lucrative investment destination and we are decisively committed to a people-centred approach as we hasten to accelerate the process of change towards an equitable and just order. The Department of Foreign Affairs is indeed the engine for growth. It is an important vehicle to enhance and communicate our foreign policy objectives and, more importantly, the promotion of international trade. Yes, integration into the world economies and nation states is important. But I wish to echo the sentiments expressed by the hon the Minister that we need to ensure that the interests of our continent are expressed in no uncertain terms.

In real, hard-core money terms, the Department of Foreign Affairs budget is reduced by R90 million if one takes into account the exchange rate depreciation of a further 2%. Therefore, the department is challenged to continue its struggle with operational activities in some sections. It needs to be borne in mind that new missions are vehicles for effecting foreign policy objectives which subsequently will lead to real and effective growth and development.

The Department of Foreign Affairs’s focus is to concentrate on bilateral and multilateral work with SADC, the OAU, WTO, Unctad and other organs to promote the ideals of real development on our continent. In this regard, the reform of international institutions is crucial for true democratisation to take place. The IMF, World Bank and the WTO should become effective tools for equitable development around the globe. Indeed, the World Bank needs to refocus on Africa and the Middle East so that holistic development can take place.

It is indeed a proud moment for us, as South Africans, that our leaders chair NAM and the Commonwealth and are able to promote the objectives of the countries of the South, as our leaders are vociferous at these institutions. To continue our efforts to really air our concerns about the South, we have the South summit, the Euro-Africa summit and the Sino-Africa summit. There are many other events to which the Minister has already alluded.

We need to ensure that the effects of globalisation will make the lives of the poorest of the poor better. As a nation, we recognise that the barriers between the countries are becoming almost invisible. Whilst we engage in global challenges and aspire to be competitive, we need to develop new capacities and harness our human potential for domestic skills and basic regional and global co-operation.

Let us for one moment try to understand the core of our foreign policy objectives so that we are able to achieve our vision of the African renaissance that our hon President has alluded to. Our success, as a global player, rests squarely on the success of the region. The Zimbabwean economic crisis will have a ripple effect on our economy. Therefore, we need to co-operate at all levels of development and other support measures.

It should be noted that South Africa accounts for only 2% of the world’s economic production. We need to focus decisively on our strength, as we have succeeded in creating a conducive environment with a highly developed financial and economic infrastructure. Our multilateral and bilateral agreements need to bear fruit in real terms. In other words, everybody should understand it. We need to measure tangibly how it will affect the poorest of the poor, women, youth and disabled people. Our focus is towards conflict prevention, rather than labouring on conflict resolution. Foreign affairs strategic planning needs to assert itself on four things, that is peace, security, stability and the creation of wealth.

I wish to touch on some of the challenges. We need to ensure that our new international trade protocols advance the cause of our developmental agenda for underdeveloped countries. Our presidency of Unctad has helped to further this cause. The SA-EU agreement here is faced with the challenge to ensure that reciprocity really does take place and co-operation does happen so that true development can be enjoyed by both countries.

Another challenge is to continue our Afro-Arab co-operation. South Africa is the founder member of the Indian Ocean Rim Association for Regional Co- operation. It needs to be noted that the Indian Ocean Rim carries half of the world’s container ships, one third of the bulk cargo traffic and two thirds of the world’s oil shipments. Other important areas to consider are the Caribbean and the Common Market; we need to exploit further trade opportunities there. Also, the ratification of the SADC trade protocol confirms South Africa’s commitment to establishing a free trade area.

On another level I wish to say that it is an important challenge to ensure that the department’s restructuring brings on board women’s developmental agenda. We need to ensure that women occupy the high echelons in negotiations and management, as women are excellent managers, negotiators and peacemakers - believe it or not, they are. We need to engage more women in these very important positions.

As we all know that the greatest challenge is poverty alleviation, I am proud to say that our honourable leaders have succeeded in engaging the Commonwealth and Unctad on the issue that poverty alleviation is indeed the focal point on all world agendas, as persistent and extreme poverty leads to human deprivation, which is a threat to world peace and security.

Let me take just a cursory look at foreign direct investment. I will only take two examples, ie the United States and Malaysia. The United States remains South Africa’s largest source of foreign direct investment, but officials think we can do better, and I agree with them, because there are 400 million people in Southern Africa, including South Africa. So we are really an economic engine which they need to contend with. But I must say that we need to challenge the US to go beyond the highflown rhetoric of co- operation and make sure that we can reach our ideals with regard to conflict and economic underdevelopment. I could go on and on, but I do not have time.

In conclusion, I wish to say that our leaders have to make us, once again, a proud nation by bringing poverty alleviation and a people-centred developmental approach on the agenda of the world leaders. It needs to be noted that growth is the most important thing as compared to production. The question is: What is growth? Growth is anything that makes individuals exploit their full God-given potential and aspire to achieve enrichment or happiness, and peace.

Last night I was thinking: What is growth? What is enrichment? I said in my mind: Enrichment is being free from want, and happiness is holistic - spiritual, emotional and material; it is simply a holistic peace which creates happiness. We should bear in mind that it is not linguistically accurate in the literal sense, but I can say that growth is what we really need. [Time expired.] [Applause.]

Mr P W A MULDER: Madam Speaker, I congratulate Dr Zuma on her appointment as South Africa’s new Minister of Foreign Affairs. Her appointment was a surprise, but it is only fair to give the Minister an opportunity to prove herself. After Dr Zuma’s visit to Burundi, one of Burundi’s Minister’s said, and I quote, ``She is a very wise woman and really listens well, and does not behave as if she knows everything about our country and our problems.’’ That is a compliment. Let us hope that this will still be true next year, when her honeymoon as Minister of Foreign Affairs is over and we are debating this Vote again.

In 1997 the ANC released a document outlining the party’s strategic perspective on South Africa’s foreign policy. In that document it is stated that South Africa will not always be automatically in agreement with other African states. I quote from this document, which says:

In some instances, guided by our commitment to democracy and human rights, we have to vote differently from some of our closest allies.

The FF understands that it is difficult in practice to prioritise human rights on the one hand and foreign policy on the other hand.

We in Africa are quick to tackle the world on its double standards when it comes to human rights. We in Africa are quick, and we are right, to tackle Europe and the United States on their double standards when it comes to human rights, Aids and their engagement in Kosovo versus Burundi, for example. The question is: Does an African refugee need fewer calories and clothes than a Kosovar refugee? But then, how honest are we in Africa? Are there double standards in Africa when it comes to human rights? Are there double standards in Africa when it comes to human rights for white and black? The same arguments that we use for Kosovo are applicable here.

In Zimbabwe, farms are at the moment being occupied illegally. Most of the owners are white. Let us try to put ourselves in the position of these farmers. In Zimbabwe property rights are protected in their constitution. The African Charter on Human and People’s Rights of 1981 defines and protects property rights. In Zimbabwe, efforts to change their constitution on these property issues were democratically defeated. Against this background, individuals suddenly illegally occupy my property. I phone the police for protection. The police ignore my request, because the president of the country has justified this illegal occupation. What am I to do?

What type of message does this send to the international world? Can it be any other than one of racism and of no respect for human rights? I would also like to know what the South African Government’s position is on this specific issue, against the background that I have sketched.

Ná president Mbeki en Minister Zuma se besoek aan Zimbabwe was daar sprake van ‘n lening van R800 miljoen aan Zimbabwe. Dit is verstandig en in Suid- Afrika se belang dat Zimbabwe se ekonomie nie in duie stort nie. Behalwe vir die vlugtelinge wat Suid-Afrika sal instroom, is daar baie ander negatiewe implikasies vir Suid-Afrika as dit sou gebeur. Daar is egter ‘n groot verskil tussen om Zimbabwe te probeer red, aan die een kant, en om president Mugabe te probeer red, aan die ander kant.

As hierdie Regering en hierdie departement sal besluit om geld te bewillig om president Mugabe te red sal die VF heftig daarteen beswaar maak. Ons hang klaar ‘n groot vraagteken oor byvoorbeeld die tydsberekening van president Mbeki se besoek aan Zimbabwe. Waarom het die besoek net voor die Zimbabwiese referendum plaasgevind? Dit kon net sowel ‘n week later plaasgevind het met dieselfde gevolge en dieselfde effek. Die enigste afleiding wat daaruit gemaak kon word, is met reg dat die doel daarvan was om morele steun aan president Mugabe te gee met die oog op die referendum.

Gister het die agb lid dr Boy Geldenhuys gepraat oor Afrika, oor hoe belangrik dit is om Afrika se probleme op te los en oor watter rigting daar is. Ek wil nie sy toespraak enige onreg aandoen of hom kontamineer nie, maar die breë werklikheid van minderhede, minderheidsregte en selfbeskikking, al die begrippe wat tans internasionaal gebruik word, is die sleutel tot Afrika se probleme. Hierdie Regering sal moet deel word daarvan om te sorg dat ons ook dit in Afrika implementeer om Burundi en al die ander gevalle op die lys se probleme op te los.

[After President Mbeki and Minister Zuma’s visit to Zimbabwe there was talk of a loan of R800 million to Zimbabwe. It is sensible and in the interests of South Africa that Zimbabwe’s economy does not collapse. Apart from the refugees who would stream into South Africa there are many other negative implications for South Africa if this should happen. However, there is a vast difference between trying to save Zimbabwe on the one hand and trying to save President Mugabe on the other.

If this Government and this department should decide to appropriate money to save President Mugabe the FF will oppose it vehemently. We are already attaching a big question mark to, for example, the timing of President Mbeki’s visit to Zimbabwe. Why did the visit take place just before the referendum in Zimbabwe? It could just as well have taken place a week later, with the same results and the same effect. The only conclusion that can justifiably be drawn from this is that the objective of doing so was to give President Mugabe moral support with a view to the referendum.

Yesterday the hon member Dr Boy Geldenhuys spoke about Africa, about how important it was to resolve Africa’s problems and about what direction there is. I do not want to do his speech an injustice or contaminate him, but the broad realities of minorities, minority rights and self- determination, all the concepts that are at present being used internationally, are the key to Africa’s problems. This Government will have to become part of ensuring that we implement this in Africa as well in resolving the problems in Burundi and all the other cases on the list of problems that need to be resolved.]

Mr G P MNGOMEZULU: Madam Speaker, Deputy President, Ministers and hon members, today we are seeking solutions to the problems largely created by human beings like ourselves. We can hear the cries of women, children and the elderly who are crying for peace, security, love and bread on their tables. If we do not do something about this, history will not be kind to us. We need, as South Africans, to make our own humble contribution, no matter how small. South Africa is blessed with men and women who are peace- loving and are able to rise to the occasion when circumstances require it.

Our transition is the envy of everyone. With the sort of experience that we have gained, we should be in a position to help people facing similar problems to find home-grown solutions to their problems. South Africa is not alone on this path of finding peaceful resolutions to disputes. Mozambique and Nigeria have successfully negotiated their way to democracy. Algeria is in the process of resolving its own problems peacefully, no matter how difficult this is, and there are already encouraging signs. However, there are still some regions on the continent where serious problems persist and these need our attention. If Africa does not take the initiative in solving its own problems, no one in the world will come to our rescue. Our destiny is in our own hands.

Over the past 40 years, more than 80 million people have lost their lives in various conflicts on the continent. Among the worst conflicts is the one in Angola, which has destroyed the economy of that country and the social fabric of the society. There are very few countries that can rival Angolan riches on this continent. The country is rich in natural resources such as oil, diamonds and gold. The perpetuation of this war is highly profitable to some individuals; hence they want it to go on for as long as possible. A stable Angola can bring amazing fortunes to the Southern African region and the continent as a whole.

The situation in the DRC is another serious problem. Serious as it may be, a solution to this problem is also in sight. We need to push a bit harder for the recognition and observation of all clauses of the Lusaka ceasefire agreement. The Burundian and Rwandan crisis is directly linked to the current events in the DRC. Any solution found for the DRC will have spill- over benefits to the Great Lakes region. However, we must be proud that a South African is involved in the peace process, namely the former President of this country, Comrade Rolihlahla Nelson Mandela. We must give him all the support he needs to execute the task he has been assigned.

The problem at the Horn of the Africa also needs our attention. The problem of Somalia, Ethiopia and Eritrea is a scourge to the African continent. The conflicts in Sudan and Morocco are among the longest civil wars in Africa. At times people tend to forget about these wars, especially when the media does not report on them. The process that is under way in Sierra Leone must be boosted further.

In any civil war abuse of human rights is prevalent. Women and children are killed indiscriminately. Civil wars leave psychological scars on those who have seen and participated in it. Children born under these circumstances know nothing except war. They always think that a gun is a solution to every problem they have. Children who were born, for instance, in 1974 in Angola and who grew up in a war situation, know no peace but only war. War to them is a way of life. We hope that because of the leading role that South Africa is playing in bringing about peace in these countries, sooner or later they will also begin to enjoy freedom and peace in their respective countries.

The budget before us today is not adequate enough for the type of work that the department is expected to execute. The total allocation for the 2000- 2001 financial year is R1,3 billion, as compared to R1,2 billion for the 1999-2000 financial year. From the allocation for 2000-2001 it is expected that this department should also fund new functions amounting to approximately R67 million. In actual fact, the allocation for 2000-2001 is therefore only R1,2 million, and when compared to the current financial year the net increase is only R24 million.

However, we want to congratulate the Minister, the Deputy Minister and the Department of Foreign Affairs on the sterling work they have done, in the face of a reduced budget, is making South Africa an important role-player in the international arena.

Mr I S MFUNDISI: Madam Speaker and hon members, the Department of Foreign Affairs has, as its aim, the promotion and maintenance of the Republic’s external relations, and we appreciate the passion with which the Minister goes about her business in her department. In doing this, it is hoped that the promotion of the African renaissance, locally in the region and internationally, will be maintained. We are grateful that the hon the Minister stated yesterday that she would intensify her efforts to conscientise people in this regard later this year.

The demands in the department are more than the resources. The question is: How can the department perform under such circumstances? Some R8 million was overspent last year, and estimates for the current overspending amount to over R50 million. The taxpayer is concerned about the extent to which this overspending is imperative, and what measures are in place to curb it.

An example of what appears to be an avoidable overspending is the envisaged R12 million for a South Africa exhibition in Hanover, Germany. The argument is that the account for this trade fair should be rendered to Trade and Industry, which gains from such an exercise. The private sector could also be brought on board as partners. Foreign Affairs services some 91 missions around the world, which should be subjected to a cost/benefit analysis to determine whether all missions are of value to our country. Consideration should also be given to downsizing some of these.

Another method worth considering in cutting down on overspending would be to scrutinise delegations that go abroad to solicit support for specific areas. In such cases the specific department should be brought on board to share the expenses. A point in case is the envisaged visit to Eastern Europe by Deputy President Zuma sometime later this year. The Department of Trade and Industry could well take care of the financial responsibility of this visit, while Foreign Affairs could be responsible for the protocol.

The Department of Public Works has, in the course of time, handed over the management of properties in foreign countries to this department, and such transfers have budget implications. Comprehensive research on such matters has to be mounted to work out a policy proposal for the long term.

The hon the Minister will do the South African public an honour if she could state the extent to which large delegations that have been sent to summits and conferences around the world have benefited the country. We are looking forward to two such visits this year, namely, the South summit in Cuba and the Hanover Expo in Germany. Foreign Affairs has to give impetus to the President’s call to make this century the African century.

Ms I MARS: Madam Speaker, Deputy President and colleagues, I could not resist the temptation, having just come back from Cuba myself, to say to the hon Minister: ``Welcome back to South Africa’’. We are very happy, indeed, to note her untiring efforts to bring political solutions, through patient negotiation, to the troubled regions of our continent.

Political solutions to bring peace to troubled regions long embroiled in military strife need to be negotiated, so as to allow the continent of Africa to develop its true potential. It is a matter of national pride that South Africa - through its former President, as well as the former and present Ministers of Foreign Affairs - is playing a pivotal role in bringing together the many factions who have been engaged, over a long period of time, in destabilising a huge region of our continent.

Africa is a continent of immense promise and potential, and all its people have a right to prosper in peace and stability under fairly elected and responsible governments in order to compensate for the violent past. We would wish to encourage all those engaged in the demanding and difficult task of peace-brokering to remain engaged until equitable solutions have been found.

We also find it very gratifying to observe our continued and effective participation in major global and regional institutions such as the United Nations, the OAU, the Commonwealth, SADC, and many others, and frequently taking positions which can only enhance these institutions, all of them barred from our country in the past.

We also observe the strengthening of the South-North dialogue, which will articulate the needs of the less developed nations in the global discussions. There is little doubt in our mind that South Africa will have to play a very important role in enhancing the South-North dialogue, which is beginning to show signs of increasing alienation between developed and underdeveloped nations, perceived as the rich and the poor, and this is a very important matter to give our full attention to. If, indeed, we are a global village, understanding of each other’s needs and concerns, and good neighbourliness - as demonstrated so effectively and acknowledged worldwide in our recent efforts to assist Mozambique - are of vital importance. Unless the global village listens to and hears all its citizens, misconception and misunderstandings will lead to further conflicts. Therefore, the IFP endorses all efforts, made on many fronts, to solve problems through negotiations and efforts to go the extra length to achieve permanent resolution of current and potential conflicts.

In closing, we wish to congratulate the director-general on his appointment and hope that he will enjoy a long and fruitful tenure. [Applause.]

Mr C NQAKULA: Madam Speaker, hon members, the recent floods in Mozambique in the wake of Cyclone Eline provided a spectacle of the wonderful interaction of human beings bound together by the desire to overcome adversity and save many of their fellow beings from certain death. Deployed at various levels in the rescue effort were some units and equipment from the armed forces of South Africa, the US and France. International aid agencies and Mozambique’s own nationals went that extra kilometre to help their countrymen, women and children. There were other forms of support from many quarters and individuals.

Apart from the floods in Mozambique, in our own country and in other parts of the world, there are other disasters that have killed or threatened the lives of people across the globe. Hundreds of people die almost every day from the many wars that are spawned by political conflicts, while those who survive live to lead lives of misery, hunger and starvation and, invariably, lose the battle to stay alive. The other disasters are rampant poverty and debilitating diseases, as well as ignorance, which is the direct result of illiteracy.

The ANC has consistently been calling for an international programme to deal with these problems as part of its argument for the establishment of a new world order based on democracy, justice and peace. Our President has raised these issues at a number of international gatherings. Arguing at the 54th session of the United Nations General Assembly for the reorientation of the body to reconstruct human society, in keeping with the United Nations Human Rights Charter, he went on to say, and I quote:

The evolution of human society has presented the world leaders who will stand at this podium with new possibilities to move our globe a giant step forward towards a new actuality of which the poor and the powerless dream every day. Our vision is a world free of conflict and wars; free of chauvinisms like racism and ethnicity, as well as child and women abuse; a world free of poverty and illiteracy.

Many people inside and outside this House must have been worried yesterday when they heard the way in which the hon Geldenhuys from the New NP raised the question of ethnicity, arguing that ethnicity ought to be one of the building blocks for freedom. It is when concepts of this nature are interpreted in that narrow way that dangers arise. In fact, it was because of their narrow understanding of these matters that the NP made ethnicity the core of their policies, and plunged our country into many years of untold strife.

We suggest, with humility, that some of our people should help some of the members of the New NP who still cherish a nostalgia for the past. In fact, it was because of this consistent pining for the past that the leader of the New NP, the hon Marthinus van Schalkwyk, made the comments that were referred to via the motion by the ANC this afternoon relevant to the political leadership of Mozambique. They want, because of their past connections to the Renamo movement, to consider and believe that …

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Madam Speaker, is the hon member prepared to take a question?

Mr C NQAKULA: I will take a question.

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Madam Speaker, will the hon member agree that the root cause of the problem in the Democratic Republic of Congo is the fact that a small tribe, the Byamulenga, is actually denied their citizenship, and that does not have anything to do with apartheid?

Mr C NQAKULA: I deliberately agreed to respond to a question from the hon member because I knew that they do not understand politics. They do not understand what international politics and the make-up of international situations are, and he has indeed confirmed what I thought he would do. [Applause.] He does not understand what is happening in the world; hence the fact that they were ready to plunge, not only our country, but the neighbouring countries, into many years of misery. We in the ANC believe that it is possible to establish a world order where the prospects of better lives for all, young and old, would be quarantined. We will deploy all the skills we have to negotiate this with all international role- players until the vision of the Human Rights Charter becomes a reality.

There is a lot of goodwill towards our country because of the manner in which we brought about the birth of our new democracy.

Dr B L GELDENHUYS: Answer the question!

Mr C NQAKULA: But, we will not impose that experience on anyone. We will share it in discourse in favour of democratic change. We oppose the imposition on any country of political and economic systems that do not emerge as part of the processes of democratic engagement in such countries.

It is interesting to note that the other day a delegation of the DP rocked up in Zimbabwe, ostensibly to assist further the processes of democratic change. They came from a conference recently, but they never raised one question that they have been raising in Zimbabwe, and this relates to what they call parties that are dominating'', and they are not raising the question ofparties that enforce one-party states’’. That is not the issue. So what is the issue? It is clear. What they are raising is the fact that the ANC in this country has such massive support from our people.

What they do not understand is that that support derives from the fact that we have progressive policies as the ANC, and people are supporting us on the basis of those progressive policies. For as long as they keep on opposing those progressive policies, as they have been doing since 1994, they will not have the kind of support that we have. [Interjections.]

Of course, this is how chiefdoms operate. The leader lays down the law and the subjects bow to his edicts. That is why it was not necessary for the DP to discuss this particular position at their conference, because the leader simply ups and makes policy. However, can this House imagine the cheek of the DP calling upon SADC countries to support a situation where the popularity of parties would be undermined? [Interjections.]

The people of Zimbabwe were involved in a struggle for liberation similar to ours, and it was in keeping with that history that the leader of the Movement for Democratic Change, Mr Morgan Tzvangarai, said recently that his movement was seeking an alliance with the ANC and Cosatu, not with the DP. [Applause.] This is because the Zimbabweans remember that the DP, in one of their former guises, supported the racist regime’s army and its raids into neighbouring countries where children, women and elderly people in those countries were killed and maimed. So, who were the DP trying to impress? Surely, it must be the likes of Ian ``Fight-Back’’ Smith. [Interjections.] There are other matters we need to deal with in order to defuse political tensions internationally.

The ANC appeals to the citizens of America and their government to review their attitude towards Cuba. Cuban people deserve an atmosphere of peace and free interaction with other nations and countries in order to define conditions for themselves that will improve their economic lot and create a better life for themselves. The ANC therefore calls upon those who continue to hold the child Elian Gonzalez to allow him to travel back to his father in Cuba. [Applause.]

The MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS: Madam Speaker and hon members, firstly, I would like to thank the chairperson of the portfolio committee, Mr Ebrahim Ebrahim, and the hon members of the foreign affairs portfolio committee for the unflinching support that they have offered to the department. I also want to thank them for understanding a simple matter, namely that the Minister of Foreign Affairs cannot be in South Africa perpetually. Indeed, as Minister of Foreign Affairs I will be absent for the greater part of the year.

I would just like to refer to a number of issues that have been raised. The hon chairperson of the portfolio committee raised the question of solidarity with those fighting for self-determination. That is a very important point, because it is at the core of our own policies, and that is part of what drives us in assisting, even in the areas where there are conflicts, because we feel and believe that the Congolese people, for instance, have a right to self-determination.

There was a question that was asked by hon Boy Geldenhuys about the nature of the conflict of the DRC. Madam Speaker, I would ask you to allocate some time before the end of the next session of Parliament for us to debate the nature of the conflict in the Congo, because it is, indeed, a complex conflict. I think it would help us to have a deliberate and structured debate around this issue, and I am quite happy to lead that discussion. But then it is not a question that can be answered in the way that it was asked, because it is a complex conflict. It is not a simple conflict. I hope that this House will allocate time so that we can debate that matter in order for all of us to understand in the same way what the nature of that conflict is.

I want to touch on a few issues. I must say that I find being in the Foreign Affairs debate very serene and very quiet compared to the debates of my previous life. [Laughter.] The hon Eglin emphasised that our budget was not adequate. I agree, and a lot of other members have said that.

What is important for us to note is that when the budget was allocated the rand was worth 25 cents more than it is worth now. We have lost 25 cents for every rand we were allocated, particularly in the budget that we use for our foreign missions. To give an indication: We pay R200 million in rand - just in rand alone - abroad. If the rand has depreciated even by 20 cents, that is R40 million already. That means our budget now, if one takes the rand and the salaries that we pay in foreign currency abroad, is already about R80 million off what it was the day it was allocated.

This is why I am trying to answer the question that was also raised by an hon member who suggested that we overspend. I am telling that member today that the budget that we have been allocated, before we have even used it, is already R80 million off because of the depreciation of the rand. It is not because we are not managing our finances well. The question of management is a very important one that was raised by the hon Eglin. The director-general, his team and I take that seriously and we will look into that matter.

The question of human rights was raised. It is important and it is a cornerstone of our policy. However, we would like to deal with human rights in a very sober and objective manner. We do not want to politicise issues around human rights. We want to deal with them as we see them. Therefore, in the Commission on Human Rights we will indeed act according to our own policies in this country, even though I would remind members that this year we are not members of the Commission on Human Rights.

I come now to the question that was raised by the hon member Madasa that we must practice democracy here before we go out to other countries. [Interjections.] I just want to say to the hon member that democracy is about getting elected by the electorate, and it is about equity in terms of those votes. The ANC got 66% of the votes. It would not be fair for the ANC to get the same amount of time as a party that got 1%. [Laughter.] Besides not being fair, it would be undemocratic, because the ANC represents that much of public opinion. It has to have time that is equitable to its strength and support, because the ANC is the leader of this Government.

Therefore one cannot say the leader must speak for the same number of minutes as the tail of the … you know! [Laughter.] [Applause.] I understand that it is important for minority parties to have time to speak. I agree. They must have time to speak. However, they must not want the same amount of time as the majority party. [Interjections.] Maybe next time, who knows, it may be that if there is a political volcano, the hon member may be the leader. One never knows. Natural disasters may occur in politics. [Laughter.] However, next time we will ask for that hon member to get a bit more time.

Let me come to the UDM. I have not forgotten them. They did not need to heckle. I am going to answer. I think that some of the points they raised around the discrepancy in the budget in terms of what we give to Africa and Europe were very important. I think they were valid points. We have discussed them ourselves and we are paying attention to that. I think they are also correct in terms of the restructuring of the department. We need to deal with that.

The hon member progressed very well through his speech, but spoilt it right at the end. It was typical of the UDM. I thought he was doing very well, but then he spoilt it. However, I want to say that in terms of the way we conduct ourselves in Africa or anywhere else, we are very mindful that the conflicts we have to deal with are multifaceted and have different players, and if we were to be facilitators or contribute in any way to the resolution of that conflict, it would be incorrect for us to be partisan. We have to be neutral and we have to be honest brokers. However, what does that entail? That entails communicating with everybody, not just with the government.

Therefore, in the DRC we unashamedly communicate with all the parties that are involved in the conflict. How can one try to bring peace if one talks to only one side? It would not be logical. So it would be wrong for any member to expect that we would only talk to the government if there is a conflict. We will talk to all people who are involved, because peace can only come if all those people see themselves as part of the solution. So I just want to say to the UDM that that is the reason why we speak to everybody in the Congo, and we will continue to do so.

A lot of ANC members have raised very important points. I hope that they will understand that it would be impossible for me to deal with all of them. However, there were issues raised yesterday, and partly today, about the multilateral organisations and how they need to be reformed, including the need for Africa to have permanent seats on the UN Security Council. Those issues are very important. We should continue to debate them. However, we should also get involved, as we are, in terms of the reform of all these structures. I would agree with the hon members that have raised these issues.

Hon member Sithole raised a number of questions about enriching our own democracy and democracy on the continent. He raised very important issues on why we get involved in assisting and working together in countries north of our borders. It is very important that we understand, even in trade issues and economic issues, that we cannot, indeed as he said, hope that we will grow economically and be a prosperous country when our neighbours are not.

We can only achieve limited growth if our neighbours are not growing. So it is very important and it makes economic sense that we should want to assist the rest of the continent, particularly our region, so that it should grow economically. It is not for charity reasons. An IFP member yesterday raised very important points which we agree with. So I will not say a lot about that, except that we agree.

I was reminded when the hon Inka Mars was talking here about the fact that the first time I met her - was it in 1990? - she was working for the Red Cross. The reason this is important is not because I was reminded of where I met her, but because of the circumstances under which I met her. I met her because I was going to speak to her about our own refugees in Natal who were living in churches and schools because of the violence that was taking place there. I cannot help thinking that what I see in other countries that it is not very dissimilar to what was happening in Natal during that time.

That is why we are so passionate about assisting others. We ourselves have experienced some of the problems that they are experiencing, and we have been able to overcome them. Therefore it is important for all of us to use that experience, bitter as it may have been, because we have been able to overcome those differences and difficulties, and are able to live as neighbours in that province. It is particularly important to use that experience to help others, not to go there with a holier-than-thou attitude, but to admit that we have had similar problems and this is how we have overcome them, and teach them how to overcome such problems by themselves.

The last thing I want to address is the question that was raised by the hon Mulder. He said something very strange. He said that he would not support us if we wanted to save President Mugabe, but that he would support us if we wanted to save Zimbabwe. Now, this is at the core of what we want to say about a democracy. President Mugabe cannot be saved by any of us, no matter how much we want to save him. He was not imposed by us on the Zimbabweans; he was democratically elected by the Zimbabweans. At the next elections, the Zimbabweans will decide. If they want to elect President Mugabe again, that will be their democratic right.

Therefore there is no way in which any of us can or cannot save him. He was democratically elected. There will be an election in Zimbabwe, and the Zimbabweans will decide. So we must disabuse ourselves of this notion that we can save presidents here and there who are democratically elected. [Interjections.] He does not need saving because he was duly elected. There will be another election in which the Zimbabweans will decide. However, we have an obligation to that country and the people of that country. That is what we are trying to do: to discharge our obligation to those people. [Applause.]

Lastly, I really hope that the NP will take its leader to task, because it is a very dangerous thing to say what he said about democratic election that had international observers, including members of this House. The election results were upheld by the high court of Mozambique, and that election is considered by everybody, except the leader of the NP, to be a democratic election. What he said is very dangerous because the same NP was the cause of the 30-year bitter war in Mozambique in which lots of lives were lost. [Interjections.]

How can he today want to start that war by stoking problems in Mozambique and saying Dhlakama is the de facto president? [Interjections.] It is wrong, and I hope the NP, if indeed it is the New NP as it says, will take him to task for saying this, if, indeed, the newspapers are quoting him correctly. [Interjections.] It is a very reactionary and dangerous thing to do. I hope that the New NP will live up to its name, which says that it is new. However, if it is not new, sizowubona umsila wembulu uhushuluka [their true colours will show]. [Interjections.] [Laughter.] [Applause.]

Debate concluded.

The House adjourned at 18:27. _____

            ANNOUNCEMENTS, TABLINGS AND COMMITTEE REPORTS

ANNOUNCEMENTS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The following changes have been made to the membership of Committees,
 viz:


 Joint Standing Committee on Defence:

 Appointment: Nqakula, N N.


 Discharged: Maziya, A M.

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 The following papers have been tabled and are now referred to the
 relevant committees as mentioned below:
 (1)    The following papers are referred to the Portfolio Committee on
     Education and Select Committee on Education and Recreation:


     (a)     Report of the Department of Education for 1998-99 [RP 62-
          2000].

     (b)     Government Notice No 1398 published in the Government
          Gazette No 20650 dated 19 November 1999, Notification that the
          President has assented to the Education Laws Amendment Act,
          1999 (Act No 48 of 1999).

     (c)     Government Notice No 1399 published in the Government
          Gazette No 20651 dated 19 November 1999, Notification that the
          President has assented to the Higher Education Amendment Act,
          1999 (Act No 55 of 1999)

     (d)     Government Notice No 1400 published in the Government
          Gazette No 20652 dated 19 November 1999, Notification that the
          President has assented to the National Student Financial Aid
          Scheme Act, 1999 (Act No 56 of 1999).
     (e)     Government Notice No 1422 published in the Government
          Gazette No 20666 dated 25 November 1999, Appointment of
          persons to serve as members of the South African
          Qualifications Authority made in terms of the South African
          Qualifications Authority Act, 1995 (Act No 58 of 1995).

     (f)     Government Notice No 1423 published in the Government
          Gazette No 20669 dated 10 December 1999, Transfer of funds and
          other moveable assets of the State to the public schools made
          in terms of the South African Schools Act, 1996 (Act No 84 of
          1996).

     (g)     Government Notice No 1473 published in the Government
          Gazette No 20692 dated 10 December 1999, National policy
          regarding instructional time for school instructional
          offerings made in terms of the National Education Policy Act,
          1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).

     (h)     Government Notice No 82 published in the Government
          Gazette No 20844 dated 4 February 1999, Norms and standards
          for educators made in terms of the National Education Policy
          Act, 1996 (Act No 27 of 1996).

National Assembly:

1. The Speaker:

The following changes have been made to the membership of Committees,
 viz:


 Agriculture and Land Affairs:

 Appointed: Maluleke, D K; Maphalala, M A; McIntosh, G B D (Alt);
 Modisenyane, L J (Alt); Seremane, W J (Alt).
 Discharged: Da Camara, M L; De Vos, P J; Farrow, S B.

 Arts, Culture, Science and Technology:

 Appointed: Singh, A (Alt).
 Discharged: Seremane, W J.

 Communications:

 Appointed: Sigabi, N B (Alt).
 Discharged: Seremane, W J.

 Correctional Services:

 Appointed: Cupido, P W; Schalkwyk, P J (Alt).
 Discharged: De Vos, P J; Sigabi, N B.

 Defence:

 Appointed: Botha, A J; De Vos, P J (Alt); Diale, L N; Makwetla, S P
 (Alt); Mandela, N W (Alt); Mngomezulu, G P (Alt); Morwamoche, K W;
 Ntuli, M B; Zondo, R P (Alt).
 Discharged: Schmidt, H C; Selfe, J.

 Environmental Affairs and Tourism:

 Appointed: Da Camara, M L (Alt).
 Discharged: Maluleke, D K.

 Finance:

 Appointed: Grobler, G A J (Alt); Taljaard, R.
 Discharged: Heine, R J.
 Foreign Affairs:

 Appointed: Selfe, J; Taljaard, R (Alt).
 Discharged: Bruce, N S; Gibson, D H M.

 Health:

 Appointed: Cupido, P W (Alt); Ellis, M J (Alt); Farrow, S B.
 Discharged: Borman, G M; Semple, J A.

 Home Affairs:

 Appointed: Farrow, S B (Alt); Grobler, G A J; Lee, T D (Alt); Waters,
 M.


 Discharged: Borman, G M; Kalyan, S V; Pillay, S; Smuts, M.

 Housing:

 Appointed: Borman, G M (Alt); Maluleke, D K.
 Discharged: Cupido, P W; De Vos, P J.

 Labour:


 Appointed: Bruce, N S; Ntuli, R S (Alt); Pillay, S (Alt).
 Discharged: Bell, B G; Farrow, S B.

 Minerals and Energy:

 Appointed: Bell, B G; Bruce, N S (Alt); Moorcroft, E K (Alt).
 Discharged: Sigabi, N B.

 Provincial and Local Government:

 Appointed: Clelland, N J (Alt); Eglin, C W (Alt).
 Discharged: Waters, M.

 Public Enterprises:

 Appointed: Clelland, N J; Davidson, I O (Alt); De Vos, P J (Alt).
 Discharged: Andrew, K M; Botha, A J; Swart, P S.

 Public Service and Administration:
 Appointed: Da Camara, M L; De Vos, P J (Alt); Swart, P S (Alt).
 Discharged: Clelland, N J; Cupido, P W; Opperman, S E.

 Public Works:

 Appointed: Borman, G M; Singh, A (Alt); Waters, M (Alt).
 Discharged: Farrow, S B; Sigabi, N B.

 Safety and Security:

 Appointed: Botha, A J (Alt); Clelland, N J (Alt); Gibson, D H M; Swart,
 P S.
 Discharged: Delport, J T; McIntosh, G B D; Taljaard, R; Waters, M.

 Sport and Recreation:

 Appointed: Maluleke, D K (Alt).
 Discharged: Grobler, G A J.

 Trade and Industry:

 Appointed: Andrew, K M (Alt); Grobler, G A J (Alt); Sigabi, N B.
 Discharged: Eglin, C W; Heine, R J; Singh, A.

 Transport:

 Appointed: Farrow, S B; Semple, J A (Alt); Seremane, W J (Alt).
 Discharged: Maluleke, D K; Ntuli, R S; Pillay, S.

 Water Affairs and Forestry:

 Appointed: Da Camara, M L (Alt); Opperman, S E (Alt).
 Discharged: Botha, A J; Maluleke, D K.

 Welfare and Population Development:

 Appointed: Gore, V C (Alt); Kalyan, S V (Alt).
 Discharged: Da Camara, M L.

TABLINGS:

National Assembly and National Council of Provinces:

1. The Speaker and the Chairperson:

 Reports of the Auditor-General on the -

 (1)    Financial Statements of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission
     for 1998-99 [RP 38-2000];

 (2)    Liquidation Account of the Tobacco Board for the period 1
     January 1997 to 31 March 1999 [RP 202-2000];

 (3)    Financial Statements of the Unemployment Insurance Fund for 1996
     [RP 37-2000];

 (4)    Financial Statements of the Mines and Works Compensation Fund
     for 1998-99 [RP 195-99].

1. The Minister of Labour:

 Report of the Department of Labour for 1998-99 [RP 61-2000].

COMMITTEE REPORTS:

National Assembly:

1. Report of the Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs on the Land Affairs General Amendment Bill [B 64B - 99] (National Assembly - sec 75), dated 14 March 2000:

   The Portfolio Committee on Agriculture and Land Affairs, having considered the Land Affairs General Amendment Bill [B 64B - 99] (National Assembly - sec 75) and a proposed amendment of the National Council of Provinces (Announcements, Tablings and Committee Reports, p 140), referred to the Committee, reports the Bill with amendments [B 64C - 99].

 Report to be considered.