House of Assembly: Vol7 - MONDAY 26 APRIL 1926
Mr. SPEAKER took the Chair at
Leave was granted to the Minister of Railways and Harbours to introduce the Railways and Harbours Widows’ Pension Fund Bill.
Bill brought up and read a first time ; second reading on 5th May.
First Order read: House to resume in Committee of Supply.
House in Commiitee :
[Progress reported on 23rd April, Vote 13 having been agreed to.)
On Vote 14, “Justice,” £76,543,
I notice that the Public Service Commission in their report on page 7 state—
Perhaps my hon. friend the Minister will give us some explanation as to why he took this action in contravention of the commission’s recommendation.
I will explain at once. As far as my department is concerned, I want it to become properly bilingual. We have a large number of officers who can be obtained from my department who are absolutely bilingual in every sense of the word, and I preferred somebody who was more bilingual than the clerk in question. That is the only reason. I am acting always to try and get the best men I can for the Department of Justice, which is, after all, the crack department of the service.
Does not my hon. friend seem to desire to get his department more than ordinarily bilingual? Does he not realize that there is a certain amount of justice that should be meted out to all sections of the community ?
I will mete out justice.
I doubt it very much. The Public Service Commission say that this officer had passed his examination. He was competent in both languages.
I do not agree with that.
Does it mean that my hon. friend is specially picking out his favourites and putting them into positions ? It was for that particular purpose that the Civil Service Commission was established, so as to prevent anything in the nature of favouritism on the part of Ministers. Surely my hon. friend must feel himself to be in a very awkward position when he finds that the chief section of servants in this country are Ministers of the Crown, and that his three colleagues sitting alongside him are not thoroughly qualified bilingually, and yet he has no objection to sitting with them.
Nor were they recommended by the Public Service Commission.
Is that the reason they are there? Surely my hon. friend under these particular circumstances ought certainly not to penalize a member of the public service who passes the necessary examinations. I can only tell my hon. friend—it is right he should know—that there is a feeling, whether justified or not I am not going to say now, that in many of the appointments he has made he is guided by other influences than those of the best interests of the public service.
I may deal with that at once. I do not know who the gentleman was who took the place of this particular gentleman, so I think the charge of favouritism falls away. I do not know the officers who come to my department, and I have no favourites one way or the other. Nor do I have any appointments dictated even by the question of bilingualism. I could point to the appointment of judges who are men who have only a slight knowledge of Dutch. I am sure my hon. friend cannot point to a single judge who does not know a word of English. Would he, in my position, appoint men as judges who do not know any English whatever ? I do not think it is fair to make an attack of this kind, and these attacks do much more harm than good. There is a section of the people who are carried away by them. As a matter of fact, your unilingual English-speaking man has a much better chance in the public service than the unilingual Dutch-speaking man. What is more, as far as we are concerned, the unilingual Dutch-speaking man never will have that chance. It is wrong that he should have.
The excuse the hon. Minister makes is that he would not appoint anybody who cannot speak English. Is there a single barrister in South Africa who cannot speak English?
That is what I said.
There is not one who cannot speak English. In the Government Gazette, I find almost every week there is some justice of the peace or special justice of the peace removed, and in many cases, messengers of the court. What was the reason of these dismissals from the service ? I can understand when he tells us he has not sufficient justices of the peace for positions on the licensing boards, but the excuse he generally gives is that it is “in the interests of the public” that they have been removed. That is a very useful excuse for him to make, but it is most unsatisfactory. Surely it cannot be in the interests of the public to remove all these people.
How many?
If you take the numbers in the Gazette you will find out. Take special justices of the peace—15 removed. Take messengers of the court all over the country— a total of 21 removed. These people have been in these positions for many years. The Minister suddenly comes into office and finds it necessary to remove them. The only reason he can give is that it is in the interests of the public. I say it is highly unsatisfactory.
The hon. member for Von Brandis (Mr. Nathan) has made a great point of asking the Minister of Justice how many advocates can speak only Dutch. I want to put the question how many speak Dutch and how many are bilingual ? I am glad the Minister has commenced to make his department absolutely bilingual. If there is a department which comes into close relations with the public it is that of Justice, and we on the countryside have a great deal of trouble if magistrates and officials are unilingual. The time has come for the Minister to see in the general interest that we have bilingual officials.
I would like the Minister to put himself in the place of these men. What is the test these men have to pass ?
They pass a certain test which, as far as they are concerned, they consider has proved them bilingual. It seems to me you make the test what you like. If the test is wrong, then make it more severe, but when a civil servant has passed that test there should be no further question as to whether he is bilingual or not.
I want to congratulate the Minister on the attitude he has taken up. I think this is the last thing we English-speaking people should attack. We find, right through the service, that the English-speaking man has had the plums. If he had been a Dutch-speaking man he would have had to do translation work. To accuse the Minister, as the hon. member for Fort Beaufort (Sir Thomas Smartt) has done, of favouritism he has not a single case he can bring forward. The first judge to be appointed was a South African party man, then an English-speaking man was made judge, and Mr. Justice Greenberg who was made a judge in the Transvaal, is certainly not a Nationalist or a Labour party man. A man of English name has been appointed Government attorney. In the Orange Free State they have left all the South African party men on the licensing boards. Then the hon. member for Von Brandis (Mr. Nathan) comes along and mentions the messengers of the court who have been discharged, not because they are qualified to do the work. He mentioned Bloemfontein. Does he know what he is talking about ? The messenger of the court there was 81 years of age, decrepit and old, and could not do the work. Who was put in his place ? A man with an English name. The Minister did not stop the old messenger from being given a pension. He got one of over £100 a year, and it also goes to his wife. As far as the people of the Free State are concerned, they have not a word against what the Minister has done. I am glad the Minister is getting a bilingual service. The hon. member for Fort Beaufort has nothing left to argue about in these days, and his party is falling to pieces because they have not the old racial cry.
I do not think the Committee will do itself much credit if it allows itself to descend to these wrangles. I, and we all, agree on this side that the public service must be bilingual, particularly that section which comes into contact with the public.
You did not carry it out.
It was sincerely and honestly carried out by the late Government.
When ?
From the beginning.
What about the appointment of the Secretary for the Interior ?
He was appointed at Union, and was a bilingual man.
What about the recommendation of the Public Service Commission ?
I do not think the hon. member knows what he is talking about. Why should the Minister be the judge? I know that is what we have been trying to get away from during the last 16 years by appointing a commission which is perfectly competent to decide whether a man is sufficiently bilingual for his position. If the Minister does not like a nomination sent forward by the Public Service Commission, all he has to do is to refer it back to the commission, and say the man is not sufficiently bilingual for the work he has to do. What we object to is that the Minister makes appointments himself, and that is practically superseding the functions of the Public Service Commission, whose whole object is to give public servants confidence that they will be selected for promotion on impartial lines.
It is not in the hands of the Minister—it is merely a recommendation of the P.S.C.
Have recommendations been set aside ?
But they do not appoint.
I do not know who the man is.
I do not either.
But he is not “sufficiently bilingual”!
On examination.
I think the Minister is going on a wrong track by going over the heads of the Public Service Commission.
The hon. member for Yeoville (Mr. Duncan) said I did not know what I was talking about. I was referring to the appointment of the Secretary for the Interior.
That was a recommendation.
It makes no difference whether it was a recommendation of the Public Service Commission or not. The successor who was recommended—I mean to Mr. Shaw—was a unilingual official. The Minister said he would not appoint a unilingual man to the post, and the view of the Public Service Commission was that they did not think bilingualism was necessary for an appointment of that kind. Hon. members cannot get past that. I assure the Minister that if he appoints unilingual people he will get into disfavour with the Nationalist party, or at any rate with those of us who are protagonists of bilingualism. Appointments are still constantly being made in Ministerial departments of persons who are not bilingual. It is unfair towards people who think that the service ought to be bilingual.
What department ?
I am not going to mention these departments.
Surely this is the place to mention it.
In which department?
If the hon. member will see me I will mention several to him.
Why do you not name them now ?
I shall take no notice of the remark of the hon. member for Cradock (Mr. G. C. van Heerden). He knows better, and is generally wrong. My constituency consists largely of Dutch-speaking people, and unilingual persons are still being appointed there. We are resolved that bilingualism be carried out not only in words, but in deeds. If a unilingual English-speaking person is appointed to a town which is entirely English, I have no objection, but I protest against the appointment of unilingual officials where bilingual ones are required.
I have been requested to raise three points, and I do so because I am told that no satisfaction can be gained from the department after correspondence. The first is a native called Makaleni, employed by the department, who was found guilty of stock theft, desertion, and illicit liquor dealing. He was engaged by the department as a detective, and is now being tried for perjury in connection with one of these cases.
Where is that ?
At Kokstad. All these cases come from Kokstad. He is undoubtedly a man of very bad character, and he is engaged now to trap natives, as he did in one case. Another case is that of a man named Martin Matweno. He was engaged by the department as a trap and informer in regard to natives, after the department knew he was engaged by a firm of attorneys as interpreter. This firm deals very largely with native clients, and in this particular case it is alleged that he, as interpreter to the firm, got the information for the department. The department admits that this man was engaged as a trap. Does the Minister agree that that is a proper assistant to employ ? The third case is in regard to one of the detectives. I have here two pages of interrogation of a man in gaol by this detective, the man not being accused of any of the particular acts in regard to which he is interrogated, and it is quite clear from the questions put that he endeavoured to get the man to make a confession. I do not know whether this case has been brought to the Minister’s notice, but I do think that that method of interrogation is not only dangerous, but improper.
I would point to the hon. member for Graaff-Reinet (Mr. I. P. van Heerden) with regard to unilingual, English-speaking officials in Dutch centres, it is quite true that in many cases you find a unilingual man in the Dutch-speaking centres, but if one enquires departmentally, you will find the reason is that if the department were to go on the principle that only Dutch-speaking officials were to be transferred to the smaller towns, the result would be to penalize the bilingual Dutch-speaking official ; because the plums in the service are generally in the larger centres along the coast, and elsewhere where there is more English spoken. So the Dutch-speaking members would be sent to the small centres. We are not against bilingualism, but you cannot make a man bilingual in a day. The Minister recently in Durban gave an assurance that he would not penalize any man who is unilingual. The law gives them to 1928, and why anticipate the law ?
When one listens to speeches from hon. members opposite, one would conclude that the “plums” of which the hon. member for Port Elizabeth (Central) (Col. D. Reitz) has spoken are all occupied by Dutch speaking officials. It would do hon. members opposite good to look at the Civil Service list for 1925. If one only takes the non-British names (Norwegian and Scandinavian included) as against British, then one can deduct from the latter from 5 to 10 per cent. who are Afrikaans-speaking, although with British names. On this basis of British as against non-British names, one finds that the proportion in the various departments is as follows.: The Department of Justice (now under discussion) of the 148 highly-paid officials, there are 100 with British names and 48 with non British names ; in the Department of Defence of 48 highly paid officials, there are 18 with non-British names. In the Department of Native Affairs of 154 senior officers, there are 14 with non-British names. In the Department of the Interior out of 10 highest paid officers there are only two with non-British names. Who are now the people who have the “plums”? Even in the Department of Agriculture there are only 12 non-British names among the 33 highest paid men; in the Department of Posts and Telegraphs of the first 339 highest officials there are 312 with British names. In the Department of Irrigation, out of the 44 highest officials, there are 9 with non-British names ; Department of Inland Revenue, out of 53 senior men, there are only 4 with non-British names ; in the Department of the Auditor-General the head has an Afrikaans name, but of the 34 next succeeding officers, there are 6 with non-British names ; in the Department of Customs and Excise, of the 87 officials who draw more than £585 per annum, there the 6 with non-British names ; in the Railway Department, as already mentioned in the House, of the 162 highest paid officers, there are 11 with non-British names. I should like to know what a man like the hon. member for South Peninsula (Sir Drummond Chaplin) would say if, when he entered a public office, he were treated in the way that Afrikaans-speaking men and women have already been treated and snubbed with the remark—
Wherever has that happened ?
It happened to me here in the so-called mother city in the head office of the railways, forsooth in the Information Department. I asked to see the head and received the reply: “What … ?” However, I did not understand “what”, and again asked to see the head. I then received the reply: “I do not understand Dutch, wait till someone comes in who does.” I should like to hear the language of the hon. member for Rondebosch (Mr. Close) if he were treated like that. One would hear the echo of it in Picadilly, in London, when the hon. member commenced to raise the dust about it. There are many people in South Africa who have not had an opportunity of learning English, and they are snubbed if they speak Afrikaans, and are not attended to. We are not opposed to anyone with an English name and speaking English being appointed to the public service, but we demand (it is not merely a request) that the people of South Africa should be served by bilingual officials.
We regret very much the speech we have just listened to.
Why?
It is the most racial bit of talk I have heard for a long time. (Ministerial cries of “Nonsense.”) It is pure racialism to go through the civil service list, not to find out whether members of the service are bilingually qualified, but to find out who are English and who are Dutch. What earthly good is served by that ? It only stirs up strife. We had thought that hon. members opposite, since their party came into power, had learned more sense and acquired more responsibility. I think the hon. member (Mr. Rood) has done one of the most mischievous bits of work we have had for some time, after all the talk we have heard about racialism being dead. The hon. member should not come in a lighthearted manner and stir up mischief in this bad old way. The hon. member says that he goes into a department and is answered in English, and is told that if he wants to speak Dutch he will have to wait until somebody else comes. I challenge him to give more than one instance where this has happened. Unfor innately, members of the railway and public service have been bullied by certain Afrikander people who have tried to force them to do more than they possibly can do. There is a certain kind of trapping and mischief making going on towards the unfortunate fellows in the public service who cannot speak both the official languages. The Government should stand up and protect these officials against this sort of thing.
Even if they hit people.
The hon. member seems to gloat over the only instance of that kind that has taken place. Supposing, even if there were two instances, they do not constitute proof of the general allegation by hon. members. If people do that sort of thing let them be punished. And they have been punished. But to come here and make vague, wild, unjust and childish statements against members of the public services is more than the public servants can bear, or ought to bear. It is largely a question of how you treat people. I have never had any trouble in that way.
Of course not.
I have gone among Dutch people, and I have shown civility to them, and they have shown civility to me. Certain hon. members opposite ask what I know of Dutch. Well, my Dutch is not very good, but it is good enough to make myself understood ; and I find that if you are civil and try, even in a halting way, to talk Dutch, they are the most courteous people. From this tribute of courtesy I specially except those members opposite who challenged me as they did. But, on the other hand, there are hon. members who seem to have the unfortunate knack of being able to provoke discourtesy and bring it on themselves.
I wonder if the hon. member for Rondebosch is serious about this matter ?
Quite serious.
Then I want to say that, during the last few years, there has been an improvement as regards the public service, but there was a time when, if you spoke Afrikaans to an official, you ran every chance of being snubbed. I want to assure hon. members that if officials try to answer Afrikaans-speaking people in Afrikaans there will be no further difficulties, but if that is not done then the troubles will continue. Take my own case. I always intend, when I get into touch with officials, to speak in Afrikaans and, when I see the man tries to speak it, but finds difficulty in doing so, then I always meet him and say we can continue the conversation in English. We must, however, not forget that it often happens that people come, who do not know a word of English, and it does happen, alas, that such people are snubbed. The other day Mr. Roos, of Wolmaransstad, who has just come from Europe, came and told me that he had been snubbed by an English railway official because his clothes were not like those of us who sit here. I say that, if everyone tries to learn to speak the other’s language then all race hatred will disappear. If that is not done, then things will never come right. We can go through the whole country, and we shall find everywhere that the Afrikander tries to talk English as well as he can. We expect the hon. members of the Opposition to take up the same attitude, and we can assure them that in that case race hatred will cease. I am very sorry that race hatred has been referred to again. I can as sure hon. members that I am not speaking from race hatred, but just want to see justice done to my language and to the English language. Then our country will progress, and we will respect each other, but if our language is despised, race hatred will increase. We, who sit here to-day and are bilingual, respect the English language, and have studied it, and I am glad that I have studied the English language. It has been a great help to me in life. I have been able to learn much from English writers such as Carlisle, Ruskin, etc., but I wish the same spirit with regard to my language also prevailed with hon. members opposite. How many of our English members ever read the books of our Afrikaans writers and poets? I am glad that the Minister of Justice is going to see to it that bilingualism will be generally introduced into the service, and I hope that any Minister now in opposition, if they ever come into office again, will also do so. I do not think that will happen quickly. Not long ago in Namaqualand a man came and asked if he was still far away from a certain place. The answer was—
So it is with the Opposition. When they get through the valley and over the rise they may possibly have a chance of some day getting into power again, but it is still very, very far off. The officials are surely servants of the public and are paid with public money. If an English-speaking person comes they have to answer him in English, but if an Afrikaans-speaking person comes, they should also be able to answer him in his own language. That is the ideal, and I make an appeal to all hon. members to assist in reaching the ideal condition of things, then we may expect peace. But as long as that does not occur … I do not wish to bully. The hon. member for Rondebosch (Mr. Close) has spoken about people being bullied. He possibly knows what a bully is, that when a big fellow bullies another he is a bully, but when I insist on equality for my language I am not a bully. It is just the official often who bullies the simple citizen. I am not asking a favour. We have the right, under the constitution. We do not ask it, we demand it.
I don’t think many members of this House disagree with the main arguments that the hon. gentleman opposite (Dr. van Broekhuizen) has brought forward, but I would say to him, if he is desirous, as he says he is, of bringing about bilingualism he should welcome those young men who have not learnt Afrikaans as their mother language, but who yet are trying to equip themselves as best they can in that respect. The hon. member said—and I entirely agree—that it should be the-policy of everybody in this country to try and make it a bilingual country, because there are two official languages, but if you are going to encourage people to become efficient in the other language, which is not their mother-language, you must treat with a certain amount of sympathy those who are trying to make themselves efficient. The hon. member for Graaff-Reinet (Mr. I. P. van Heerden) said— and I agree—that as far as possible in making these appointments, you should consider whether they were largely a Dutch-speaking community, or largely an English-speaking community, so as not to penalize either the individual or the public. I do not know the individual in this case, but if my hon. friend will read the report of the Public Service Commission he will find that the appointment was that of a third grade clerk in the magistrate’s office at King William’s Town. What does the commission say ?—
The commission further says—
If my hon. friend the member for Graaff-Reinet were in the position of a Minister, holding the views that he has expressed to-day, and this report were submitted to him, would he have accepted it ? My quarrel with the Minister of Justice is that, having had this report before him, and having, as he has stated in this House, not known the individual, or known what his qualifications were, he overrode the decision of the Public Service Commission, and made another appointment. To say that raising a question of this sort is raising a racial question is perfectly ridiculous. The intention of Parliament in appointing the Public Service Commission was to keep official favouritism or political considerations out of the making of any civil service appointment. When the Public Service Commission recommend a man who, according to the rules of the service, has qualified himself, then I say the Minister of Justice should have had more tact than to override the commission’s decision when he personally was not in a position to judge, because he has told the committee that he does not know the man, and, if he does not, who is his authority on what this man’s bilingual qualifications are?
I knew where he passed the examination, what class, and what grade. I think it was marked “E.”
But it is an examination according to the regulations of the public service. He was being sent to an English town.
They start in one town and go all over the country.
Why should you, without having had an opportunity of knowing this man, or whether he was bilingual or not, take upon yourself the responsibility of overriding the commission’s recommendation? You may be doing him a grave injustice. You say you don’t know him.
No.
But you must know the other fellow.
I don’t know either.
Then how do you know that the other man was better qualified ?
Because he had a better pass in his exam.
I think the committee knows that it is not alone members on that side, but also members on this side, who are extremely anxious to see that the rising youth of this country are efficient in both languages, but, while that is gradually and silently taking place, you should not penalize anybody who is qualified for a post, and who is doing his best to equip himself in both languages. If the hon. member for Barberton (Mr. Rood) will look round the House and see my hon. friend the member for Hoopstad (Mr. Conroy), he will know that that hon. gentleman has not got a Dutch name, but he is perhaps as strongly Afrikaans in his views as the hon. member for Barberton. Let him take my hon. friend the Minister of Agriculture. When we have the Annandales, the Sutherlands and the Churches throughout the length and breadth of the Union, who, to a large extent, are entirely Afrikaans in their language, and who bear English and Scotch names, if my hon. friend is going to lay down that because a man’s name is so-and-so he cannot possibly be efficient in the Dutch language, I think he is making a very great mistake indeed.
I was pleased to hear the speech from the hon. member for Pretoria (South) (Dr. van Broekhuizen), especially when I contrast it with the speech of the hon. member for Barberton (Mr. Rood). Here we have been only sixteen years in the Union, and I think we have progressed remarkably well with the language question, and I do not see any necessity for these squabbles. I am glad to see the hon. member for Pretoria (South) has changed for the better, and for that reason I welcome him to this House for I remember, in 1909, when he was present at a large meeting in Pretoria, the view then expressed was: “If you go into a shop ask in Dutch to be served, and if they could not do so, then walk out. Again, if you received a letter from the Government in English, send it back and say you don’t understand the language” ; but one shrewd person present then put the question: “If you received a cheque in English, would you also return it, saying you did not understand the language?”
I should just like to make a few remarks to show my hon. friends opposite that we are in earnest about this matter. I have practised as an attorney for the last twenty years before the magistrate’s court and in the High Court, and I can assure the House that during the first fifteen or sixteen years of my practice I never had the opportunity of making an argument in Dutch, because the magistrates did not understand that language. I may inform the Minister of Justice that the greatest complaints of the country districts in the north are on account of the fact that he cannot give us bilingual magistrates and judges. In my village, my whole practice is in Afrikaans, all the deeds and the court work are in Afrikaans, and because it is an Afrikaans-speaking district, the summonses are made out in Afrikaans, but when I get into court I cannot plead in Afrikaans unless I have the good luck of the assistant magistrate being on the bench. Then I argue in Afrikaans, and defend my client in that language. The complaints of the great number of Afrikaans-speaking people in the Free State, Transvaal and Cape Province are that there are not enough magistrates who know the language and temperament of the people on the countryside. To a great extent, our magistrates were people who had been imported and appointed here. Do hon. members opposite know that in the Free State, when it was proclaimed British territory, we had a public service as good as any in the world ? We had magistrates, magistrates’ clerks and messengers who were bilingual, but practically all of them were dismissed, with the exception of four or five who made common cause with the conquerors. None of the other officials were reappointed under the Milner Government. I do not wish to make reproaches, but it is the truth that when the Milner Government came into power all the bilingual officials were discharged and replaced by people with the names of Capt. Edwards, Maj. Richards, and others. They came out to South Africa, did service temporarily in the South African Constabulary, and were then appointed as officials. Now I want to ask my hon. friends opposite why those capable officials were not taken over, and why new officials — the captains, majors and colonels—were imported? We are still stuck with them to-day. Why do members opposite object if bilingualism is one of the chief attributes to be considered in making appointments to-day? Take, e.g., the Railway Department, which is still full of unilingual officers. They are capable officers, but if the Minister tries to get bilingual officials into the service, then hon. members opposite object, and say that it is an instance of race hatred. As soon as we speak a word about our language and our language rights, then the glowing Imperialists, like the hon. members for Rondebosch (Mr. Close) and Illovo (Mr. Marwick) say that we are preaching race hatred. They then get blue in the face and have convulsions. We are now getting tired of it, and I want us to understand each other. When Ministers appoint bilingual officials, hon. members opposite should be thinkful, and I should like to see them having their children taught both the languages of the country.
They have their children taught French instead of Afrikaans.
Yes, that is the case. I wonder whether French will yet become a language in this country. Let me just say that the question referred to by the hon. member for Von Brandis (Mr. Nathan), viz., that of the Justices of the Peace, was formerly such in the Free State that after the Milner Government I was the only Justice of the Peace in my district who was not a Milner man. I was appointed after the Free State got Responsible Government. In Bethlehem it is still the case that all the Justices of the Peace are South African party men. If you do manage to chance upon a Sap., he is a Justice of the Peace and a member of the Licensing Court or of the Land Bank, or holds some other appointment. When the new district of Reitz was established, the magistrate recommended six new Justices of the Peace. I, fortunately, saw the names, and in this case the few Saps, were got hold of, and nominated as Justices of the Peace. If the recommendation is left to the magistrates, then they look all around for some individual Sap. they can find to recommend them as Justices of the Peace. In this case, I protested, and I recommended six persons to the Minister, and I hope they will be appointed. There are two Saps, amongst them, and two persons who are of my own way of thinking in politics. Now I want to tell my friends opposite that four to two is just a nice representation, but if in Reitz, where there are not fifty Saps., in all six Saps, are to be recommended as Justices of the Peace, then one feels that it is not right.
Didn't you recommend your own brother as sheep inspector?
No, I did not recommend my own brother. He was appointed because he was an ex-official, and, according to the report of Mr. Morgan, the chief inspector in the Free State, he was one of the best inspectors in the Free State. My brother was dismissed by the former Government because he was a Nationalist and accused of being a rebel.
What about your brother-in-law?
I can answer all the questions put by the hon. members for Cradock (Mr. G. C. van Heerden) and Illovo (Mr. Marwick). If my brother is fit for an appointment, let him have it. Why should he not get it just because he is my brother ? I suppose he should have been a Marwick. I want to warn my friends opposite that they must remain off my list. As long as I have anything to say in Bethlehem and the Minister will listen to me, I will see that the best men get the appointments, and not necessarily Saps, and Englishmen. I have now recommended two Saps, as Justices of the Peace, not because they are Saps, or English, but because they are bilingual. If a man is unilingual, then I have no time for him as an official in my district.
The point raised from this side of the House was this, simply and purely, and that bilingualism should be sanely applied. This party has been working steadily for bilingualism in this country and the services, but on reasonable lines, and not in the way it is now being dealt with. We, who are born South Africans, realize that it is essential for any man who is to get on really well in this country. But when we, who are not really Dutch scholars, attempt to speak Dutch, we are jeered at, as was the hon. member for Rondebosch by the hon. member for Graaff-Reinet (Mr. I. P. van Heerden). That does not encourage us, I must say. Some time ago it was said that this Government would make the civil service a 50-50 civil service, and if you listen to the hon. member for Barberton (Mr. Rood), you find he has let the cat out of the bag by comparing the relative numbers of civil servants with Dutch and British names. It should not be a question of English names and Dutch names. I say we are South Africans, whatever our descent. Every time let us go in for efficiency, and without reference to race descent. What did the hon. member for Barberton say ? He took the civil service list, he read through it, and he said there were so many English names and a few Dutch names. If you go on that basis, you are simply stirring up racialism. I like to listen to a speech like that of the hon. member for Pretoria South, who did speak common sense and spoke with moderation, but when you come to the hon. member for Barberton he puts the whole thing on a basis of pettifogging narrow-mindedness, which really is disgusting in a House of this nature. I would like to hear the hon. member for Ceres (Mr. Roux) make his interjection a little more manfully. I ask him to have the courage to make it so that I can hear it.
We have a good many renegades.
Thank God, we on this side of the House do not keep them. We get rid of them at once. For God’s sake, let us approach this thing in a broad-minded way. If a man is bilingual, never mind what his name may be. If we are going to proceed on the principle of dividing up the public service so that there are 50 Dutch to 50 English, you will only get a mediocrity which will be absolutely useless to this country. I deplore intensely the remarks of the hon. member for Barberton (Mr. Rood), whom I did look upon as a broad-minded man.
I just want to tell the hon. member for Albany (Mr. Struben) that I did not take his name as English. I think it is German. Nor did I say that everybody with an English name was English-unilingual. I clearly said that a large percentage had been deducted by me from the English names who spoke Afrikaans. I only wanted to explain to the hon. member for Port Elizabeth (Central) (Col. D. Reitz) what the hon. member for Bethlehem (Mr. J. H. Brand Wessels) made much plainer than I, viz.: That, under the Milner regime, a lot of Afrikanders were thrown out and Englishmen put in their places. In my district there are many English people who speak just as good Afrikaans as I, and many who are learning Afrikaans. I only complained that, in 1926, there were still complaints that the Minister of Justice was taking care that bilingual persons should be appointed in the service. Not one of us complains that people with English names are appointed. Nor do we make a fuss if one, who cannot speak Afrikaans, as long as he treats us politely. I have never yet raised any difficulties when an English-speaking official has said: “I am sorry, I cannot speak Afrikaans.” But we are tired of complaints still being made when bilingual people are appointed.
Might we now make some move to get on with the vote? This is not a laughing matter—not by any means.
No, it is a crying matter.
The peacemaker!
It is no use for the hon. member attempting to throw the whole of the blame on this side of the House either. The hon. member for Cape Town (Central) (Mr. Jagger) started the whole thing going. It will not end in this House, but it must do untold harm to South Africa if this thing is continued. The subject matter was raised by the hon. member for Cape Town (Central), and then one word led to the other. If there is any blame, it rests on this House as a whole, and not on either side. I feel that if my friends here feel that on any occasion there is any English-speaking official who is not getting a square deal, and they go to the Minister in charge of that department, they will get a square deal. Instead of doing that, a debate is started in this House, passion is aroused, and before we know where we are, a very undesirable state of affairs is reached. The history of this country is bad enough with this sort of thing without having any more. If the hon. member cannot learn by experience, I am one of those who can, and who profits by experience. If an occasion arises where an official takes up a superior attitude where he is addressed in English or in Dutch, all that the hon. member has to do is to report the man to the departmental head of the Minister, and the complaint will be rectified. These isolated cases do not represent the feelings of English and Dutch-speaking South Africans. We have gone a long way, if one considers the history of this country, and people can be very thankful indeed that we have reached the stage we have in regard to the good feeling that exists between the different sections of the South African community. I hope that the good sense of this House will now close this debate, and that we will get on with the vote. It is no use for us, from the party or other point of view, scoring out of this matter. The sooner a question like this is taken out of the hurly-burly of this House, the better for South Africa, for the House and for the people.
The whole matter seems to me a storm in a tea-cup. I think we are all in favour of equal rights for the two languages of the country, and I do not know why so much noise is being made here. The hon. member for Barberton (Mr. Rood) comes here with a whole sequence of names. He does not talk about the language, but about names. What about the name of the hon. member for Ermelo (Col.-Cdt. Collins) ? I think he is just as good an Afrikaansspeaking person as the hon. member for Barberton himself. What, on the other hand, about the hon. member for Vrededorp (Dr. Visser) ? One never hears him speaking Afrikaans. In my opinion South Africa is composed of a mixed population coming from various nations. Even under the old Voortrekkers one finds English names. I have met people with English names who do not know a word of English. The hon. member for Bethlehem was very angry about Lord Milner’s work. We admit that he did wrong, but the hon. member for Bethlehem is now going differently to work. He is introducing party men. That is the trouble to-day. I am thankful to the Minister for appointing bilingual officials when new appointments are made, especially in the case of magistrates. I must say there are still great difficulties on the railways, but, on the other hand, I have never been badly treated by English-speaking people, and if a man cannot speak Afrikaans, I meet him half way. They have, however, never yet insulted me. I agree that new appointments should be made from bilingual persons. Do not, however, go and dismiss unilingual persons now.
I had not intended to take part in this debate, because I did feel that we on these benches, and those of us who are essentially descended from English-speaking parents, should not take too much notice of the excess of zeal displayed by the hon. member for Fort Beaufort (Sir Tilomas Smartt) on a question such as this ; but, in view of the hon. member for Brakpan (Mr. Waterston) having intervened, I want also new to come in, and not entirely to agree with him, but I wish to say that I do think that when a question arising out of the promotion of a third-grade clerk should be relevant to a first-class debate on a first-class subject—a subject that has been fought on and settled years ago—namely, the equality of the languages in this country and the bilingualism of those in the public service. I regret that we should to-day be faced with a position which could easily and readily lend itself to bitterness, not only in this House, but in the country. The hon. member for Fort Beaufort, with his years of political knowledge and service, with a speech such as he delivered this afternoon, has altered a great deal of the feeling I have towards any services he had done before. I did feel that, as far as a subject such as this was concerned, we would not have had it brought up under such a head and on such an excuse as we have had this afternoon. The greybeards and the grey-heads of this House can make trouble, but the children and the younger generation are going to solve this question, and they are doing so to-day. Everyone of us realizes that the attitude of the present Government is no different from their predecessors in office. We have had similar experiences of treatment either by English-speaking or Dutch-speaking effieials of Dutch-speaking or English-speaking passengers or in the public offices. It has generally been raised by cranks. And, having been raised by cranks, they should be dropped, and the Minister has generally put matters right. We have come to a very low stage in politics and public life when we find responsible men, who have occupied ministerial positions in this House, creating all this feeling. Thank goodness, so far as this House is concerned, while a certain amount of bitterness may be caused by this, there are people in business throughout this country who are not going to be influenced by it, and that is the saving grace in regard to this whole debate. The “English town” of King William’s Town, which was referred to— it is the first time I have ever heard the expression “English town” in South Africa. You might as well say that Glasgow, near where I come from, is an English town. They speak English in Glasgow, but it certainly is not an English town, and it is very proud of the fact that it is a Scotch town, but it does puzzle me when I hear an expression such as that. But, whether in Cape Town or any other part of this country, I put it to my commercial friends here that they take very good care that the people running their branch businesses and meeting the people of this country are 100 per cent. bilingual, if at all possible. I speak with a certain amount of business interest, and all my men are 100 per cent. bilingual. I am only sorry I am not that myself, but that shows the necessity for meeting the demands and requirements of the country, and if they would do that, there would be no need for all this crying about a certain difficulty about a junior clerk and attempting to make a first-class political debate out of it. The hon. member for Fort Beaufort (Sir Thomas Smartt) does not agree with me, but in his own heart he knows that he made a mistake; that he was out to make trouble, and thought he had a grand chance, and his sole desire in making, what I can only class as bitter remarks, was to create a certain amount of trouble in this House and in the country, and any man who will attempt to make division on this political question that we are supposed to have settled in 1910, is certainly not a friend to South Africa. If hon. members are satisfied that the position is as stated, they should bring it up in a more straightforward manner. It is like the same question they brought up against the same Minister in regard to a celebrated circular issued to the police, when we were shown that the circular was practically identical with one issued by his predecessor, and when we realize that each year a grand attack seems to develop round this subject, that is all the more reason why the people of this country should realize the dangerous position we are placed in by a party who will descend to, and do play with dynamite. I will not pursue that matter further. I have had a grievance for some time with regard to the employment of convict labour in various parts of this country. [Time limit.]
There is no doubt that Glasgow has produced many extraordinary individuals, but I do not think we should judge them by one individual that it has produced. It has produced very fine people indeed. My hon. friend, since he got into his exalted position five years ago, considers that the third class clerk is beneath his interest. But whether he be a third-class clerk or the head of a department—
Or a third-class chemist.
He is an official of this country, and is entitled to justice.
That is right.
The only question raised was that as the Public Service Commission had stated that this third-class clerk, being two years in the service, and having passed all the necessary examinations, and who was both English-and Dutch-speaking and “writingly” qualified, I wanted to know why, having been recommended by the commission, who are supposed to be the judges of these qualifications, the Minister of Justice, who says he does not know him, and consequently is not in a position to judge, should have passed him by, and appointed somebody else whom he says he does not know either? It is not a question of bilingualism. It is a question of the powers and functions of the Public Service Commission. When the commission was appointed, it was pointed out in Parliament it was not right to leave in the hands of any administration the possibility of its having been said that they made Government appointments for political considerations. When a Minister, and especially a Minister who has more than once flouted the Public Service Commission and recommended its being done away with, fills up a position of this sort, with the recommendations of the commission before him, he must have a very good case to give to this House to justify the action he has taken as head of his department. The hon. member for Langlaagte (Mr. Christie) wants to see everybody 100 per cent. bilingual. I do not pretend to be that; but I think I am bilingually 100 per cent. better than he and, holding these views which he has expressed, and having been five years in this House, why has he not used his leisure to become a little more bilingual than he is? If he had done so, perhaps I would have paid more attention to what he said, but, finding himself in rather an invidious position, he has thought it necessary to make these statements to the committee, but I do not think it is going to alter the opinion of hon. members on either side. We are as anxious on this as on the other side that everybody in this country should eventually become bilingual, but you are not going to get that unless you give every possible consideration to the young man who was not born in an Afrikaans-speaking family and has tried to qualify in Afrikaans, which this young man apparently, from the evidence of the Public Service Commission, has not got.
I think we all regret that we should have a debate like this to-day, but it is a fact that a large part of the Afrikaans-speaking population feel that their rights are not sufficiently acknowledged. A case happened in Bloemfontein last week of a man being appointed town clerk, although he is unilingual. Such cases make it necessary to protest in this House. One point I want to bring to the Ministers’ notice is to ask him on what basis it is decided to make enquiries into railway accidents. In my constituency, a very serious accident occurred recently between Vet River and Eensgevonden through the explosion of an engine, and, as a result, the driver and fireman were killed. The accident caused a lot of comment in the neighbourhood, and there were rumours about the people who should be held responsible, whether it were the workshop officials at Bloemfontein, or those at the place where the locomotives got their water. I asked the Minister of Railways and Harbours a question about it, and he replied that his Department was investigating the matter, but that it was not necessary to lay the papers on the Table for the enlightenment of the public. The public outside feel that certain persons should be protected. The public may be wrong, but the Minister of Railways and Harbours said that the Minister of Justice had refused to institute an enquiry. The latter Minister doubtless has his reasons, and if he publishes them and the public know them, it will give satisfaction. The public wants to know whether there is any ground for the general feeling, and I should like to ask the Minister what his reasons are.
I think the hon. member for Langlaagte (Mr. Christie) is to be congratulated in having made the hon. member for Fort Beaufort (Sir Thomas Smartt) change the issue before the committee. I certainly understood from the earlier part of the afternoon, when the hon. member spoke so eloquently about this case, that his whole grievance was that someone had been overlooked on account of the language qualification and that apparently the Minister had utilized his position and pushed someone into an appointment on account of this question of bilingualism.
No, he said “favouritism.”
If that was not the grievance, I do not see why there was any need for the reference to an English town. He referred to Kingwilliamstown. Kingwilliamstown is an English-speaking place. Probably all or most of the officials there have hitherto been unilingual; that is probably one of the reasons why the Minister sent a Dutch speaking official there. The right hon. gentleman seems to be a rag-merchant, as he brings up things that have been worn threadbare. He raised the question of the powers and rights of the Public Service Commission, which is essentially an advisory body, and the final decision rests with the Minister. Since 1910 there have repeatedly been cases of the commission’s recommendations having been overridden. The Minister is carrying out to the fullest extent the promise he made last session, that in every instance he is trying to do the just thing by officials, and only in cases where he thinks it imperative that a certain qualification should be possessed by an official, would he override a recommendation of the commission. The Minister is right under the law, and the only grievance we have is that sometimes too much attention is paid to the commission, and too little to the general requirements of the service of the country.
Has the Minister gone into the question of convict labour being used in private gardens in Johannesburg and other large towns ? Some very wealthy people with plenty of ground around their houses, particularly at Parktown, Johannesburg, have been able to get the services of native convicts on payment of 6d. or 1s. a day per head. It is wrong that convicts should be brought into competition with the poorer white men of Johannesburg, many of whom are quite capable of doing gardening work. The Minister should put his foot down very firmly on this practice, for it is a very wrong principle. Particularly so in Johannesburg, where the municipal council has done its best to employ the unskilled whites in the Parks Department, and as a result of that policy many of those previously unskilled whites have become efficient gardeners. Last year, and in previous years, I have pressed this objection to the hiring out of native convict labour to private persons. I hope, before next year, this matter will be rectified.
I wish to call attention to the Minister’s interference with the sentences of judges of the Supreme Court.
It happens in all civilized countries in the world.
The Minister, in tendering wrong advice, is likely to provoke a constitutional crisis between the judges and the Executive. I wish to refer to the case of Rex v. Herd & Sherrard, who were tried at Durban by a judge and jury, and I am glad to see the Prime Minister in his place, because as an ex-judge he will appreciate the importance of my criticisms. I put a question to the Minister, and in the course of his reply (which appears in column 1776 of Hansard) he stated that they were indicted on one charge of culpable homicide, and two charges of procuring abortion. Both were convicted on all three counts, and were sentenced to seven years’ imprisonment with hard labour on the first count, and five years’ imprisonment with hard labour on the second and third counts, the sentences to run concurrently. The Minister recommended the reduction of the sentences by one-half, a consideration of previous similar cases and the sentences imposed for the same class of offence convincing him that the sentences were excessive. I asked if Mr. Justice Carter, the judge in question, had been consulted, and the Minister replied that he was not aware that Mr. Justice Carter, whose functions terminated after the conclusion of the case, expressed any view on the question. I have asked that the papers be laid on the table, but I understand that the Minister does not intend to comply with that request. My information is that the evidence in the case was never before the Minister. When I sought to obtain portions of the evidence I was informed by the Registrar of the Court that the evidence had never been transcribed, and the short hand notes had been sent to the bookbinders. Hence, when the Minister arrived at his decision, he was without the facts disclosed by the evidence, and it seems to me to be a very serious position that he should reduce a sentence by one-half without having the facts before him. One of the leading newspapers in Durban, commenting on the unwisdom of the Minister’s decision said—
Another important point is that, when the Minister was moved to grant this remission, he did so on the representation of a brother-in-law of the accused, who was rebuked by the judge because of the nature of the evidence he gave at the trial. We have this remarkable position, that a man, who was rebuked in this way, turns the tables on the judge, and is the means of reducing the judge’s sentence by half. The Minister has suggested that it was not necessary to consult the judge, but the ordinary procedure in capital cases is for the Governor-General, when taking the advice of the Executive Council, to have a report from the presiding judge, and the attendance of the judge before the executive is also required. Dr. Alpheus Todd, one of the best authorities on such matters, supports the view that the judge should be consulted in other cases, as well.
He is not an authority on this.
He is an authority on parliamentary government in the colonies. Professor Keith also concurs in this view. Dr. Todd says—
If you come to the evidence which was reported in the press, then it seems to me that the Minister’s action is utterly indefensible. [Time limit.]
Regarding the Minister’s admission that he came to this decision without calling for a report from the judge, I am not going to question the Minister’s right to do so, but I think in a serious case of this kind that he might have exercised the power which he undoubtedly had of calling for the judge’s report before coming to a decision. It seems rather extraordinary, in view of the seriousness of the crime, that the Minister neglected to do that. Then again, in regard to the evidence in the case, the Minister had the right to come to a decision without reading the evidence, but I think it was a necessary precaution which he should have taken, in view of the serious nature of the crime. The Minister will admit that it is only in very exceptional cases, where there possibly may be mitigating circumstances which the judge has not given due weight to, that the Minister should exercise his right to interfere, and I am rather curious to hear from the Minister when he replies to the hon. member for Illovo (Mr. Marwick) what the mitigating circumstances were in this case which influenced him in making such a considerable reduction in the sentence passed on these men.
I was desirous of showing to the Minister what the evidence would have brought to his notice had he had an opportunity of perusing it. I am willing to be fair to the Minister and say that I believe, if he had known of these facts, he would not have recommended the reduction of the sentence. In the first place, the principal accused was a married man, who is shown by the evidence, to have courted a young unmarried girt for a period of three years. Although her parents had forbidden him to come near the house, he continued for a long course to court this girl without their consent, and he seduced her. According to the declaration of the girl herself, when she was at death’s door, when she became pregnant she was afraid to tell her parents, and the accused took her to a chemist, who performed an illegal operation. After she had suffered a period of agonizing pain, she was taken again to the same chemist and a further operation was performed. It seems to me that, instead of the accused being charged with culpable homicide, the circumstances, the deliberation with which the crime was committed, would have justified their being charged with murder. Apparently the principal accused was carrying on with this girl without the knowledge of her parents, who had deemed it prudent to forbid his attentions. At the time when this girl was dying he came and, in his own crude words, he—
He dwelt so much on the financial side of it that the father of the girl was barely restrained from striking him. The remarks of the judge showed that this was a case in which a very severe punishment was called for, and the judge accordingly awarded what he considered an adequate punishment for this crime. No sooner was this sentence passed, than the hon. member for Umbilo (Mr. Reyburn) presented a letter to the Minister from the brother-in-law of the accused and the Minister, to my mind, wrongly agreed to reduce the sentence, especially if we consider all the facts which would have been disclosed by perusal of the evidence. The conduct of the two accused was the conduct of two unmitigated scoundrels. It was public knowledge in Durban the one accused had before been charged with an offence of a somewhat similar kind, and, although he escaped punishment on that occasion, it was perfectly clear from the whole of the evidence that his trafficking in this particularly sordid business was not a new thing. I venture to say that no recent case has occurred in the courts of South Africa in which a sentence has been more universally supported by the community than this sentence in Durban, and yet the Minister came along and, apparently without any support from the public, or with the very smallest modicum of support, reduced the sentence in the maimer indicated. This is not the first occasion on which the Minister has proceeded in this manner. In the case of van der Merwe, where the Judge-President of the Cape Provincial Division had passed sentence on a man in connection with the Insolvency Act, the Minister recommended the man’s release. After that release certain other features of the case came before another judge, Mr. Justice Gardiner, and I propose to show what his view of this case was. Van der Merwe was punished for not keeping books, but that cannot be said to be the essence of the charge, which was that the absence of books enabled him to go in for collusive dealing of a grossly fraudulent kind. On that Mr. Justice Gardiner was quite plain. He says that, during the hearing of the case, an adjournment was granted in order that a settlement might be effected. In the interval van der Merwe passed a bond to his brother for £6,000. It was eventually set aside by the Supreme Court as being collusive. Speaking of van der Merwe, Mr. Justice Gardiner said—
In connection with a sheep transaction his lordship found it proved that, after the sheep had been in van der Merwe’s possession for three years and marked by him, they were suddenly delivered to Hoffmann at a time when van der Merwe was contemplating the depletions of his assets in order to defeat his principal creditor, and that, on the same day, they passed into possession of his brother, in whose favour he shortly afterwards collusively passed a bond. The court, therefore, came* to the conclusion that the whole sheep transaction was a collusive deal designed to prejudice van der Merwe’s creditors. The Judge President’s judgment was thus thoroughly vindicated by Judge Gardiner’s remarks. In this case we were not dealing with a simple farmer, whose neglect to keep books might be pardonable or justifiable, but a man who was undertaking the most cunning transactions with a view to defeating his creditors, and the judge did nothing more than his duty in sentencing him to six weeks’ imprisonment. [Time limit.]
On the first point raised, I do not know whether it is clear to the House that the fact of this clerk not coming to the Department of Justice does not put him out of the service, or anything of that kind. He remains in the civil service. Where men come into the Department of Justice and the magistrates’ courts, I want them to be bilingual in the proper sense of the word, so that when they occupy magisterial positions they can deal with both sections properly. As far as this young gentleman was concerned, he passed very badly in the Dutch language. He was marked “E,” and I have no doubt that he would not have been suitable for a magisterial appointment at a later stage. Nor is it an answer to say that he is going to King William’s Town or East London, because no one in the service has the right to insist upon promotion in that office to the highest extent. He goes to any part of the Department of Justice all over the country.
How do you know he has not improved himself very much in Afrikaans since he entered the service, in two years?
One does not know that; but from the position where he was placed, an improvement was very unlikely indeed. Suppose I have two young men, one of whom I know is properly bilingual ; the other I am uncertain about. I take the man of whom I am certain. I do not know either of these people. The position I take up is this, that this young gentleman had been in another department for two years, and I am not accepting transfers, unless I am satisfied that they would suit the magisterial side of the service. I want to take away the impression that such a man goes out of the service ; he remains in the service, and he can he transferred to the Department of Justice at any stage. I want to make this clear, because I am afraid there is some doubt in the minds of the committee as to whether this gentleman was still in the service or not. I have strained to the utmost my circulars to see that no injustice is done on questions of promotion and questions of superannuation. I have strained the position very much in favour of the unilingual man. I am not proud of that— I think I am wrong—but I did think there would be no complaint from the House. It seems to have been a misguided softness. With regard to the point raised by the hon. member for Cape Town (Harbour) (Maj. G. B. van Zyl), I have no personal knowledge of the cases he mentioned. I have had certain cases before me in which natives employed as traps had criminal records, and I have asked the police to be very careful indeed not to employ men of that description. I will go into this case. On the second point, I agree that where you have a trap and informer, you should not take a man of that kind out of an attorney’s office where he has been for some time. I will enquire into that case too. There is no issue between us as far as these interrogatories put to prisoners are concerned. It is in every way wrong to put questions of that nature to prisoners to try and trap them into making some statement from which facts can be elicited against them. I will go into the matter and give instructions that that shall not recur. The point was also put to me with regard to railway enquiries. The enquiries into railway accidents, as far as my department is concerned, are on this basis. Where these enquiries are made unnecessary by the form of the railway departmental enquiry, then enquiries are not held, but in important cases where the ground has not been covered, then enquiries are held in every case into these accidents. I am not at all certain whether there is really much point in that power being placed in the hands of the Department of Justice. Probably your railway enquiries are practically, in every case, sufficient to deal with the matter. I have never seen that it serves any useful purpose. The hon. member for Langlaagte (Mr. Christie) spoke about convict labour being employed in gardens round Johannesburg. It is useful to a certain extent to do rough work, but I do not think any person who has had his garden for some time would venture to have convicts working in that garden. The labour is not cheap—1s. 6d. a day. Our difficulty is to find work for the convicts. They are sentenced to hard labour, and there is only a certain amount who are able to do the harder work. If we have not this work, it is hard to see how to keep them busy. They do not compete with labour, so that the committee should not take up a serious attitude. Then the hon. member for Illovo (Mr. Marwick) raised the question of Rex v. Herd and Sherrard. He referred to the constitutional question and to Tod and Professor Keith, and then to the merits of the "case. As far as the authorities are concerned, they said it would be useful to consult the judgment and the prosecutor with regard to the remission of sentence. I am not acquainted with what the procedure is in England, but here the procedure is that letters or documents are placed before the department; sometimes they go to the Secretary of Justice and sometimes to the Governor-General. Those documents are placed before the law advisers, who go into the evidence, and where the evidence of the trial is not available, they go into the evidence given at the preparatory examination, or the newspaper reports. At all events, they take all the information they can get, and the report which is made is a very full one on the whole position. In this case a very full report was made by the law advisers, and I went through the whole of the papers of the case. I quite agreed with the recommendation, and the sentence was reduced at a later stage. Of course, one also has the terms of the judgment which was given. In connection with the sentence of Mr. Justice Carter, you find that under the old and the present administrations several of these sentences have been reduced because, rightly or wrongly, he imposes more severe sentence for certain offences than other judges.
Can you mention sentences reduced by the Minister?
The case of the school children in Durban was one case. There was another case—I think Cilliers, if I am not mistaken.
When?
Recently —last year. There are several cases. I will get a number of these cases and give them to the hon. member. There are several cases under the last administration, as well as the present one. I cannot tell you from memory, obviously.
Ido not think Cilliers is one of Mr. Justice Carter’s cases.
I was under the impression it was. The hon. member said that this sentence had been reduced on account of representations made by Mr. Hunter. In one sense it is, because if Mr. Hunter had not applied, nothing would have been heard of the matter; but it is not on the representations he made that the sentence was reduced, but on the report of the law advisers which was made to me. The sentence is a very severe one indeed. On a man like a chemist, a sentence of three years is a very severe punishment, and, as far as a chemist is concerned, the punishment would include his being struck from the roll. We are all prone to consider that the punishment imposed in the case is the only punishment that is suffered; and hon. members not acquainted with the law-courts may think a man is lightly punished, but that is not so. Then the hon. member asked whether a report was received from the judge. I have no report from the judge whatever. The only representation was this petition from Mr. Hunter. With regard to the question of the consultation of the judges, there is no consultation in any of these cases—it was not the practice before and is not the practice to-day. We have the judge’s judgment. It is not practicable to consult the prosecutors either. Whether a capital sentence must be carried out or not, there is a very special procedure, which is carefully adhered to. In connection with this matter, the hon. member for Illovo (Mr. Marwick) said that the evidence disclosed that the chemist made a practice of this kind of traffic.
I said he was known to have had a previous charge against him.
The hon. member says it was clear from the evidence that traffic in this thing was no new thing. If that was part of the evidence, he would be able to escape on appeal, because no one had a right to introduce that evidence in the matter. If the hon. member is right, the case was not conducted properly—I appeal to any lawyer in the House. If he appealed, he would have been acquitted.
I said that, from the nature of the evidence of the principal accused, this man was well known for this kind of work.
That is rather a different statement than that evidence had been brought to show. With regard to van der Merwe’s ease, action for setting aside the bond was a subsequent proceeding to a charge upon which he was acquitted. One cannot take a charge upon which he was acquitted for a charge of not keeping books— the two things are entirely separate. The two charges are entirely separate. I think one cannot consider that question, because on that part of the charge he was acquitted. In regard to the other charge of not keeping books, I went into that when the matter was before the House. But I want to say this: They are not isolated cases that are placed before the law advisers, and before me, for recommendation. There are hundreds of cases happening every year, and that happened under my predecessors. As hon. members are aware, it is in a small proportion of cases that sentences are reduced or remitted, but it is part of a very large administration indeed, and I think the department is perhaps to be congratulated on the fact that so few of its decisions form The subject of debate in this House. It shows that, generally speaking at any rate, although it is impossible to satisfy everybody, it has succeeded in satisfying the general public. On the whole, I am prepared to accept this, I won’t say attack, but this endeavour to obtain information on these points, as a great compliment to the administration of justice, that so few of these cases can be brought up.
The Minister may pat himself on the back that he has satisfied his supporters on the other side, but he will not so readily satisfy the public outside. In regard to the van der Merwe case I cut the report out of the paper and sent it to the Minister, and tabled a question on it. The Minister went behind the back of the judge then, when the man had been sentenced to six weeks’ imprisonment for not keeping proper books and insulted the judge by saying the man had been charged with other things of which he had been acquitted, and in sentencing the prisoner to six weeks had taken these other charges into consideration. The Minister, in my humble opinion, is setting an exceptional precedent, and a very bad one at that. I am glad that the hon. member for Illovo (Mr. Marwick) brought this matter forward. When the Minister answered the question I put to him, I asked him whether it was not an interference with the administration of justice, and his retort was that he was there to see that justice was carried out. I say, without fear of contradiction, his interference in van der Merwe’s case was an interference with the administration of justice, as it was also in the case announced this afternoon, because he interfered on a letter or whatever it was, received from the brother-in-law of the accused—
I said that was what I had not done.
—who made representations to him and who had been a witness in that particular case. Surely the judge might have been consulted. Here is another insult to another judge. I do not know Mr. Justice Carter, but I know of no case during my experience, as registrar, when the judge’s sentence was altered, reduced or set aside without reference, to the judge. Take the case at Beaufort West, where he released five Barkly West electors sentenced in December, 1924, for various election frauds. These are chickens that will come home to roost. Surely the Minister must reflect on these questions and see that he is casting reflections on the judges who sat in these particular cases. Take the van der Merwe case. The Minister said on that occasion—
but he had not the courage to put a clause in the Insolvency Bill that a farmer should not be expected to keep books.
In fairness to Mr. Justice Carter, whom I have Known for over a quarter of a century, I want to protest against the Minister’s statement that he has a reputation for imposing severe sentences in certain cases. I practised before Mr. Justice Carter for a number of years, and also with him, and it is the first time I have ever heard that. I am rather curious to know who the Minister’s informant was, and whether that information is such that it is entitled to be taken serious notice of.
The officials of my department.
They are very wide of the mark.
I said rightly or wrongly.
The Minister has not made it clear whether this case came before him personally and that the decision based on preliminary examination papers or the press report was his own decision or that of his law advisers, and it was they who recommended the remission of this sentence. Did the Minister take the trouble to obtain the full report and the evidence as given at the trial? I think it is trifling with justice to get hold of preparatory examination papers, or a newspaper report of a trial, and then come to a serious decision based on these papers, and reduce a sentence of 7 years to 3 years. I would suggest to the Minister, and I think the gravity of the case warrants it, that the papers should be laid on the Table of the House.
We have heard a great deal about the sufferings of the two accused—
I say the accused in every case.
In this particular case the Minister’s heart seemed to bleed because of the time these people had been in gaol before their trial, and the disgrace and consequences of their punishment, but we heard nothing of the broken home of the girl who has died, and who was the victim of the passions of one man and the cupidity of the other. We have heard nothing of the fact that this girl was a clerk earning money for her people. She has been sacrificed without any sort of sympathy from the State. Apparently all the sympathy goes the other way. Are we to be told that Mr. Justice Carter’s judgments are to be reduced on the mere assumption that he is an austere man? We have evidence to the contrary, that, for instance, he refused to send a woman to gaol for debt or to hear a case where a woman who was cited as co-respondent without proof of her having been served with process of the court.
There is nothing peculiar about that.
The Minister has not told us of a single case in which Judge Carter’s sentences were reduced by the late Government. In Natal we regard Mr. Justice Carter as a right-minded man who makes the punishment fit the crime in cases of this sort. Apparently the sympathy of the Minister oozes out at every pore for the accused in this case.
That is also not so.
The Minister’s plan is to ransom sinners by releasing them from gaol wholesale. The man who gave evidence in the case and sent in a petition looks upon himself as having scored a point over the judge. I consider that a cruel crime was committed, the effect of which was to ruin a home, but the sympathy of the Minister is with the offenders.
I did not say a single word from which my hon. friend can deduce that I have sympathy with these people. I was trying to show how serious the punishment was, and that you do not always measure punishment in terms of years. The case was dealt with by the same law advisers as acted under the late administration. I cannot remember whether the only evidence they had was that given at the preparatory examination. I had given no personal instructions in the matter. I did not give any instructions as to the way in which the report should be drawn. We followed the same procedure as has been followed for years.
Was the judge's opinion taken before the sentences were reduced?
No. There are thousands of these cases, and this is the only method to follow.
The time has arrived when this practice of dealing with cases on the evidence given in the lower courts and on newspaper reports should be discontinued, as it is open to great abuse. The evidence given at the trial should be obtained.
It is perfectly clear that, in this case, the sentence was reduced without the Minister or his legal advisers having access to the evidence given at the trial. There is not a judge in the land who would stand for that sort of thing. If that sort of thing is to be done, every sentence they pass will become a lottery. If judges’ sentences are to be reduced, the least that can be done is to reduce the sentence on the evidence, on the strength of which the sentence was imposed. If in this case the judge was considered to be a severe man, there was all the more reason why he should have been asked to justify his sentence. We might any day be called upon to face a constitutional crisis because of judges resigning in consequence of this tampering with their sentences.
Vote put and agreed to.
Vote 15, “Superior Courts,” £230,928, put and agreed to.
On Vote 16, “Magistrates and District Administration,” £588,406.
The Minister stated, in the course of the previous vote, that he was very anxious to have efficiency in his service, especially in regard to the magistrates. I would draw his attention to the fact that out of 250 magistrates only 13 are in receipt of salaries of £1,000 and over, while only 29 have reached the first grade of £900. I have been informed that it takes about 22 years for a magistrate to reach a senior position, and that about 70 per cent. of the magistrates never pass into the first grade, that is to say, they reach their retiring age of 55 years, and it is impossible for them to get the higher retiring salary. The magistrates are viewing this with a good deal of concern, as they are realizing that the fact of their being graded in the administrative and clerical division is a wrong procedure. It has been suggested that the whole grading of the magistrates should come under review by the Public Service Commission. The magistrates have not only to carry out their ordinary duties, but also to keep abreast of the times in regard to municipal and provincial laws, as well as legislation passed by this House. I hope the Minister will take the position into his serious consideration with a view of alleviating it.
I should like to call the Minister’s attention to the unsatisfactory condition prevailing in many of the outside districts where the magistrates are sometimes absent for ten or twelve days a month from the towns attending periodical courts It happens that magistrates of large towns like Zoutpansberg, etc., have to attend courts at various places that sit every fourteen days. People come during his absence from long distances to see him and find him away. I would suggest that in various places more special Justices of the Peace should be appointed. It will cost no more than the expenses caused by the magistrates holding periodical courts. The special Justice of the Peace can then deal with the small matters, and the larger cases can come before the court. It often happens now that a big case cannot be disposed of in one day in the periodical court, and it is then referred to the magistrate at Pietersburg. That causes difficulties, because the distances are often great, and it is impossible for people to bring witnesses to the court from such a long distance off. Then, unfortunately, native commissioners are often appointed as magistrates. The native commissioner does not even come under the Department of Justice, but he is appointed to sit as a magistrate in the ordinary course. It does not follow because one is a competent native commissioner that he is an equally good magistrate, and in many cases a great dissatisfaction has been caused among the farming population.
I should like to bring it to the notice of the Minister that it often happens that when there has been a case of stock theft before the magistrate and he has inflicted a fairly severe penalty, not extraordinarily heavy, and quite within the law, that when the case is reviewed by a judge, a large part of the punishment is often taken off. The newspapers have been discussing this lately. It has often been said that it is discouraging to the magistrates, because they think they have more knowledge of local affairs, and think that that is not the proper thing to do. The farmers also feel this, and they consider that stock theft should be punished severely. I do not know what course I can suggest to the Minister, but he will possibly know some way of making an alteration in this respect.
I think on the point that the hon. member for Pretoria (East) (Mr. Giovanetti) raised, that everyone is in sympathy with the general position that where a magistrate performs very important functions and does the work well, he is not getting an adequate salary, but the difficulty is this: That, if you take the vote as a whole, and take the money that we spend on the administration of justice, it is very difficult for anybody to say that we are, as a country, able to spend a larger amount of money on this vote. I quite agree that, in many cases, the work performed is of such a nature that one does feel that the salaries paid are not as high as they should be, but there is a certain outlet that your magistrates have. They become, in many cases, inspectors of the Public Service Commission. Where a good man is required by some other department, they come to our department and obtain that good man. Take the present secretary of the Public Works Department ; he was an old magistrate and afterwards became an inspector of the Public Service Commission. Your better magistrates are always being drawn upon for higher positions in other departments, and certain special work requiring special attainments, so that their own particular work is not the only outlet that the magistrates have, and the position is not quite as bad as it appears at first sight, though I quite agree that in many cases where the magistrates are doing good work they are not being as well paid as they should be. I am very doubtful, indeed, whether we shall be able to largely improve that condition of affairs for long years to come. I am entirely sympathetic with regard to these cases, but, of course, sympathy does not help very much in a matter of this kind.
†*The hon. member for Pietersburg (Mr. J. F. Tom Naudé) asked whether any alteration could be made in the holding of periodical courts by magistrates. It is true it takes up much time, but the alternative, suggested by the hon. member, of appointing special justices of the peace with a small salary will not give satisfaction. I think it would be wrong to throw more and more work on their shoulders. The justices of the peace are only used in urgent cases, and do not always have the necessary general knowledge. In the districts where we have long distances, they are used in cases where nothing else is possible. We shall increase the dissatisfaction if we were to comply. The same applies to native commissioners. They are only appointed as magistrates in special cases. They have a fair experience, and I do not think we shall give more satisfaction if we could appoint special justices of the peace. We try to limit that as much as possible. The hon. member for Colesberg (Mr. G. A. Louw) asked me a question in connection with the reduction of punishments for stock theft. In the various provinces the judges met and, in some parts, they decided not to allow lashes for a first conviction. In other parts they did not decide in that way. The matter is an inexplicable riddle to me. It rests with the bench, and we cannot take it away from them.
I would like to point out that each magistrate in the country cost us in 1911-'12 an average of £1,496. Last year it was £2,118, so that we see there has been a considerable increase in the expense of these magistrates. Why has the Minister increased the number of magistrates by two, which represents something like £4,000. Perhaps my hon. friend can explain this. I think a tight hand should be kept on the number.
There has been an increase in the number of independent magistrates. We do keep a very tight hand upon these increases, but where the population of a district has increased so largely that it is necessary to form an independent district, I do not think we can keep it back entirely. I am afraid that, with the growth of the community, we will find in certain cases that we are forced to create new magistrates. I think my hon. friend can rest assured that there is not one-hundredth of the claims that are made that are considered.
Vote put and agreed to.
On Vote 17, “Prisons and Reformatories,” £755,100.
I should like to point out to the Minister the damaging position in which the Cape Province finds itself with reference to the use of convict labour. I see from the report of the Auditor-General that he says arrangements have been made through the Treasury to supply convict labour to the provincial administration at the expense of the Union. In the Cape Province we have divisional councils who look after the maintenance of roads, and they have to pay 1s. 6d. per day per head for that class of labour, while the other provinces—where they have no divisional councils—get convict labour gratis. That is a state of things which I hope the Minister of Justice will alter.
I would like to know from the Minister what provision is made in regard to prisoners who are released from gaol being furnished with means of getting back to where their homes are or where they want to be. I believe in the case of Europeans some provision is made to enable a man to go to the place where he wants to be, but the case I have particularly in mind is that of natives. I believe what happens is that, when a native prisoner is released from gaol and he says he wants to go to a certain place, he is given a travelling pass to that place. The possession of that pass prevents him from getting work until he gets to that place, but at the same time, nothing is done to enable him to pay the expense of getting to his destination. I have read of cases where a native has been compelled to steal food in order to satisfy his hunger, and so he goes back to gaol simply because no provision seems to exist to enable him to get to the place where he wants to go, and the travelling pass prevents him from looking for work. I would like to know from the Minister whether something cannot be done to put that matter right.
I should like to ask the Minister a few questions in connection with the housing of juvenile offenders. We see from the figures that there are 866 children in the reformatories and consequently there must be a large number who from time to time come before the court. It is clear to all that the housing of juvenile offenders before they are sentenced is of very great importance. The surroundings must of course make an impression on the young temperament whether they are offenders or not. It is so important that a pressman had an interview recently with the Secretary for Justice, and he admitted that the present system was unsatisfactory, because there are not separate places for detention every-where. He stated that in the large towns the children were kept in the police cells but that in Johannesburg there was a home where the children were detained till they were sentenced. In Pretoria, however, there is no such home, and in Cape Town one is being built. In the small places the children are put in the cells but nothing else can be done. We feel at once that the surroundings can be nothing but injurious, and that the reformatories cannot have the desired effect if the children are not placed in favourable surroundings before they are tried. I should like to ask the Minister what is being done in other places which have not been mentioned, and what is being done to improve conditions. In connection with the same Vote I want to ask the Minister about the inebriate homes. I should like to know whether these come under the Department of Justice or whether they come under the private supervision of charitable societies which are subsidized by the Department? I should like to know from the Minister what the result is of the treatment of these unfortunate people in the institutes for inebriates?
In connection with what the hon. member for Hope Town (Dr. Stals) has mentioned about the gaols, I should just like to mention that a sad occurrence took place in Pretoria where a lad was detained in a cell with ordinary criminals. It was a boy who got fits and he was looked after in the cell. His condition, however, became much worse. That is not the place to lock up such a boy for him to get proper treatment. A change must be effected in this regard. I have mentioned the case of the young lad who was not an offender, but who was locked up with other offenders. The condition of the boy became much worse so that the mother had to be sent for and the boy taken to another place. We know what the result may be of coming into touch with criminals. We have had the evidence of magistrates that people who have been in prison for illicit liquor drinking and mixed with deep dyed criminals in the Pretoria gaols who after their release, not only continued with the illicit liquor dealing, but committed other crimes as, e.g. theft. Cannot provision be made for separate places where people can be imprisoned who are sentenced for illicit liquor dealing so that they do not have to mix with the criminals referred to?
Labour colonies can be established.
Yes, they could be detained in Labour colonies so that a change could be made in the existing condition. I hope the new liquor law will make an alteration so that there will no longer be so many poor criminal people. With regard to the question of reformatories, we are very thankful for what has been done for the young people, and it is important for them to get into touch with a better class of people. I therefore hope that the heads of the institutions will take special care who is appointed as warden. The hon. member for Hope Town also mentioned the inebriate institutions. I know the one at Pretoria where the inebriates are detained, and I can tell him something about it. The inebriates are well-treated there and the managers are people who sympathize with them. The heads belong to both sections of society, because there is an English and Afrikaans-speaking person. Between the heads and the subordinates there is the best co-operation. The inebriates are well-treated and I hope that more such homes will be established to save these unhappy people for society.
In connection with what the hon. member for Yeoville (Mr. Duncan) asked me, railway warrants are given to natives who are released, and go to their homes. Nothing else can be done by the Administration.
Does that include food?
No, merely warrants.
I thought they did not get their warrants.
They get their railway warrants. Some money they have earned in prison may pay the cost of any food they may require.
What happens when there is no railway to their home? Do they get any allowance?
I do not think they get any transport allowance then. They cannot, for instance, get rid of their railway warrants and give them to someone else. †*The hon. member for Hope Town (Dr. Stals) has brought up the question of the detention of juvenile offenders before their trial. The position is that we are extending the facilities so that the children can be kept away from hardened criminals. Arrangements are being made, e.g. in Pretoria, to have a special detention place. It is largely a question of expense and it is impossible to do this in every place. Where it is possible it will be done. It is all a matter of the expense connected with it. Then the matter of convict labour was mentioned by the hon. member for Wodehouse (Mr. Vermooten). The hon. member mentioned that the system should be identical for the various parts of the country, because the provincial administrations in the Transvaal, Free State and Natal get the convict labour for nothing, and therefore the divisional councils in the Cape Province should be put in the same position. I will go into the matter with a view to uniformity in all the provinces.
What we are aiming at is that the divisional council should be treated in the same terms as the provincial council.
Yes, we wish to get uniformity.
Vote put and agreed to.
On Vote 18, Police, £2,575,755.
I notice that the number of police in the Estimates is the same as in the previous year. I have been asked to put a question with regard to Johannesburg. They say that Johannesburg is not properly policed. Has the Minister any information about that, and if so, will he allocate a larger number of police there?
I reiterate what I suggested to the Minister last year. I am referring to the question generally, and not to a particular instance. It is quite easy to levy a local rate making a place pay a share for its policing, such as is done in some other countries, where half is paid by the Government. That is the only way in which the Minister can meet all the demands that are made upon him for more police.
I should like to call the Minister’s attention to something he already knows, viz.: the transfer of police sergeant Momsen from Heilbron. I want to assure the Minister that I am not speaking on my own behalf, but for the whole of the Heilbron public. I have received telegrams about the matter and the greatest dissatisfaction prevails about the transfer of this official. Sergeant Momsen is bilingual and so far as I know at every place where he has been in the past he has given the utmost satisfaction. He is a man who always considered the interests of the public and the public of Heilbron are rebellious about his transfer. This proves that he has always given the greatest satisfaction as a police official to all sections of the community. Now he is suddenly removed. I do not think there are many other places that can boast about their high officials being bilingual. Now we feel that not only has an injustice been done to Sergeant Momsen but to the Heilbron public. On behalf of the public I want to make an appeal to the Minister to reconsider his decision and satisfy the public. I do not know what the motives of the Minister were regarding the transfer. If there is anything wrong the Minister can have an enquiry held. The large majority of the public of Heilbron are Afrikaans-speaking and therefore a bilingual official is necessary there.
I am sorry that I have again to complain to the Minister about the shortage of police on the countryside. I did so last year and the Minister then said that it was due to the finances that more police could not be appointed. We feel that there should be more uniformity as regards the division of the police. In the small villages one finds a considerable number of policemen, but on the countryside where they are required because there are many thefts there are few. At Virginia, a large centre, there is only one policeman and if he patrols the district and a murder takes place then it can only be reported to him the next day or two days after. During the recess, when I was ploughing, one of my servants deserted his plough leaving it there, and I had no one to take his place. I reported the matter to the police, but they had no one to send to look for him. Now I have received a letter from home that the man has come back himself, and that the police could not trace him. There should be at least two men at a post so that when one patrols the district there is another who can receive and act immediately on complaints that come in.
I should like to support what the hon. member for Hoopstad (Mr. Conroy) has said with reference to police on the countryside, and I want to notify the Minister that in my constituency where a large number of natives are employed on the small mines. White’s Company has, e.g., 500 natives working there and they are not kept in proper compounds. The police protection provided is utterly inadequate and the farmers have to pay for it. There is much ground for the statement that the police have become clerks and inkslingers and that they are not the people to catch the culprits who have offended against the farmers in the country. There is something that I want to bring to the notice of the Minister. Provision should be made for importing more properly trained police dogs. Unfortunately the importation of any police dog has now been stopped unless they are born in England. I recently had to do with the application of a man who wanted to import police dogs from Germany to have demonstrations on the countryside with them. But in spite of all I did he did not get the necessary permission because the dogs were not born in England. This is not race hatred now that I am preaching. There may very well have been a good reason for the refusal because there are dog diseases on the Continent which do not prevail in England. Provision should, however, be made for the dogs if they are suffering from any complaint to be detained here in quarantine, so that the dogs can get a passport to enter the country. As there is a shortage of police dogs now I hope the Minister will consider the matter.
I just want to heartily agree with what has been said by the last two speakers. As a representative of the worst paying industry in the country, I should be neglecting my duty if I did not bring the stock thefts to the notice of the Minister. Farmers are beginning to take up the matter seriously. They have spent large sums of money in jackhal proof fencing and to alter their farming methods. It is, however, difficult to catch the thieves and it is much easier for the natives to steal. The farmers are becoming desperate and I fear that they eventually will take the law into their own hands. I have received a letter from my constituency I should like to read. It says: “Now there is a matter which I should like you to get for us and that is the strengthening of the police at the coast. To continue sheep farming means certain bankruptcy. During the last two months thirty of my sheep have been slaughtered and a large number of my neighbours’ have also become lost. The habit of the natives is to meet on Sundays at one farm or another to drink beer with the natural result that sheep are slaughtered. When one remembers how the farmers struggle to raise a few lambs, then you as a farmer can well understand how I feel, and that I am not inclined to catch the thieves any more, but to shoot them without more ado. We require better protection and the Government must give it. As things are now sheep farming is impossible.” That is the feeling prevailing to-day throughout the whole country. I find that we do not stand alone in this matter for in Saturday’s newspaper I saw that in the Free State people are also complaining about stock thefts, and I saw that complaints were also coming from the Free State that the police force is so insignificant that with the best will in the world they cannot properly look after the stretched-out areas. That is the feeling throughout the whole country. Where the farmers have fenced in their farms and have altered their farming methods I appeal to the Minister to have the matter properly investigated and to give better protection to them.
I should just like to say a few words about the trapping system. In Middelburg the people feel it is a real grievance that this system is extended to the country. To my great disappointment I had to learn that people were sent to my district to tempt people there. They are arresting poor people and although they are not innocent yet they have been brought into temptation. Now I want to bring to the Minister’s notice the fact that the trapping system has always been considered a grievance in this country. It makes the gaols full and leads to court cases, and now it appears that that system does not alone exist in Johannesburg, but is extended to Mapoch’s country. Many of the people who are used in the trapping system went in for it and supposed themselves to be inspectors, and in a sneaking manner they have gone to trap respectable men and women there with so-called peach brandy. The people are poor and according to the provisions of the existing law a large fine is imposed or they are sent to gaol if they are convicted. I protest against this thing continuing any longer.
We farmers all have the same complaint. I should like to urge the Minister to discharge the police from all their other duties so that they can do their regular work. The great reason why the police cannot do their duty properly is according to the farmers because they have to do all the clerical work. I understand that for all the clerical work as a whole 500 policemen would be required who would then do no other work. The policemen cannot leave the office to catch offenders. Only now and then do they come and see what is going on.
I am sorry to again take up the time of the House, but it is a very important matter. I want to give a word of praise to the police because I think that if there is one body doing its work then it is the police department. It is true as some members have said that the police are insufficient, but what is the position. Take public prosecutors. On the Witwatersrand there are three public prosecutors to-day, 114 in the whole of the Transvaal, 67 in the Free State, 73 in the Cape and Eastern Province, 23 in Kimberley; the total number in the country is 489.
Business suspended at 6 p.m. and resumed at 8.6. p.m.
Before the adjournment I was just talking about the large number of police employed in other but actual police work, and I mentioned that 489 were employed as public prosecutors. Then there are a large number of clerks who are used in the courts who are policemen. The total for the whole country is 190, 39 policemen are employed as ushers of the court, and others in addition, as so-called turnkeys, 246. On the whole, therefore, 964 policemen are used for those purposes instead of being policemen in the service of the public. As the hon. member for Winburg (Dr. van der Merwe) has rightly said, “They become inkslingers.” I asked the Minister to see whether he cannot evolve something to use these men in the service of the public. Complaints are general about the shortage of police, and we now want to impress the matter on the minds of the Minister and the police officers. I think we can be thankful that we are now getting such a good class of people for the police service. They come from good families, and are smart young fellows. It was a pleasure for me to see how the recruits are handled. I was recently in Pretoria when a number of recruits arrived, and the way the officers spoke to them was very pleasant. We are thankful that we are getting a police force of which we can be proud. I am sorry that in this connection I have again to say something about bilingualism. The police force is gradually becoming bilingual, and it is absolutely necessary. A policeman comes into touch with all sections of the population, but I am not quite satisfied about the way bilingual policemen are promoted. We feel that bilingual men do not always get the promotion they deserve. We very often find that the ordinary policeman is bilingual, while the sergeant or corporal very often is not. I should like the Minister to see that the bilingual men are fairly treated as to promotion. I still take up the attitude which I have adopted all my life that people in the public service should be bilingual. A great improvement has taken place, and we cannot but thank the Minister for what he has done in this respect. I just want to add a few words with regard to the police station at Kaalfontein in my constituency, Pretoria (South). The Minister very carefully inspected it, yet nothing has been altered. For fifteen years the condition has been unsatisfactory. There is a building of corrugated iron, and a married sergeant lives in it. The condition of the barracks is sad, and I trust that the Minister, after his inspection, will furnish better buildings for the office at Kaalfontein. If the 964 men who are now used for other purposes are used for police work, there will be an improvement in things. I hope that more police will be sent, more particularly to the parts where there are many natives.
If the farmers rise in this House and speak in favour of more police and a better system, it almost seems as if the Government and the Minister regard it as the voice of one calling in the wilderness. The farmers are, however, in earnest in the matter. If the Government really wants to assist the farmers, it must do so in that respect. It is not so much for more police that I plead, but for a better system of police work. Patrols are made by night and day, but the stock thieves are very seldom caught. It is said by some that the farmers should look after the stock themselves and lock them up so that the thieves cannot get at them. Stock farming is such that that is not possible, especially with regard to sheep farming. Sheep farming comes first in South Africa, and we ought to protect that farming. I have experience in this respect, and know that in cases where it was necessary to lock up the sheep on account of wild animals what became of them. If farmers cannot allow their stock to run freely, then they had better give up farming. In the Free State, the stock all runs free, and this gives the thieves an opportunity of stealing. It is actually attractive to them. It is the duty of the Government to assist the farmers. I am the representative of a district on the borders of the native area, and my experience is that the farmers are commencing to think of giving up sheep farming. If a farmer is not so well off as to stand the losses, he has a very bad time. The average farmer has, as regards quantity, just about the same number at the end as at the beginning of the year. If you ask him where the stock have got to he says it was stolen. The report of the select committee that enquired into stock thefts a few years ago proves this. The committee also recommended the Government to protect the border by a good fence. That would help us a good deal, not only with regard to stock thefts, but also in other respects, such as smuggling and trespassing. The natives can now go over the boundary freely.
I wonder if the Minister knows the conditions under which the police are housed in some of the country districts. I would specially draw his attention to the native territories. In Kokstad you have got the old barracks which were built for the C.M.R. between 40 and 50 years ago. These barracks to-day are used to house both single and married men, and are neither wind-proof nor weather-proof. The floors are rotten, and have gaping holes, making it absolutely dangerous to move about at night without a light. Whenever it rains, it is like sitting under a sieve. Absolutely essential repairs, like broken window-panes, are not being attended to. I think that to expect married men especially to live under such conditions is not right. Whenever the District Commandant asks for authority to effect the most urgently necessary repairs, he is told that it has been decided to build fresh quarters in the near future, therefore no money will be spent on the present quarters. This excuse is advanced year after year, yet nothing is done. To charge the men, as is done in the shape of rent, yet to provide neither kitchen accommodation, mess room or recreation room, is not just, nor can you expect to get the best out of your men under such conditions. I hope the Minister will give the matter his attention, and see whether he cannot make the long-promised expenditure on some sort of decent accommodation. I can assure him that if he would get a report on these buildings, he would agree with me that they are not fit to put men in.
I feel it my duty to speak. If we remember that, according to the Census of 1923-’24, 9,000 sheep were stolen in the Boshof district, we feel that something must be done to protect the farmers. We feel that the position is not so much due to the paucity of police as to a want of proper organization. I agree with hon. members who have pleaded for more efficiency in the existing police force. What we especially need is more outside depots. I do not entirely agree with hon. members who say that the police should be relieved of all the extraneous work. It will cost very much if it is all to be done by other people, seeing there are certain days on which the police can easily do it. I hope the Minister will go into the matter of outside depots. We require more night patrols, more good detectives and more outside depots.
I want to say a few words about the purchase of horses for the police. Horses are bought for the police that are a scandal. The other day there was a policeman who had a horse who dropped on to its knees and the rider nearly broke his neck. The horse had been bought about a fortnight before in Cape Town. I will not say where it was bought. Hon. members can imagine. It seems to me the horses are bought on the Parade. The policeman then said he would not mount the horse again, and the next day the head was there and wanted to dismiss the man. I then intervened, and brought the matter to the notice of the Minister. I wrote a letter but have never yet heard what became of the horse. Nor was any other horse put in its place. Our farmers, however, who offer the best horses, are told that they are not good enough. I would like to suggest to the Minister that he should appoint two farmers as horse buyers who know what a horse is.
Notwithstanding all the day and night patrols of which we have heard so much, very few thieves are caught. The thief is just as clever as the man after him, and can easily hide away. Members have spoken about night patrols, but at night one can hear a horse a long way off, and then the thieves simply leave the road. I should, however, like to call the Minister’s attention to the desirability of having more police dogs in the various districts. They not only do excellent work in catching the thieves, but also have a good effect in such a district, because thieves know how difficult it is to escape the dog. I think it would be a good thing if the Minister rather tried to get more dogs than more police. Recently the Farmers’ Association brought something to my notice, and they have asked me to tell the Minister of it. It is with regard to the removal of cattle. We had it at that time under treatment when the Bill to prevent stock theft was drafted. The use of brand for stock should be applied more generally.
The hon. member cannot now discuss new legislation.
The thing is that it is legislation the police require to help them in their work.
That makes no difference. The hon. member can only discuss administration.
May I ask the Minister whether he will consider introducing such legislation. I hope the Minister will give it his serious consideration.
The hon. member may not advocate it.
I only asked the Minister to consider it.
There have been many points raised in connection with this vote. The hon. member for Heilbron (Mr. M. L. Malan) mentioned the removal of a police sergeant. The trouble is that it is becoming more and more impossible to remove members of the police, and the police must understand that they must be prepared to go to any place in the country. We cannot receive applications from various parts for the police to remain there, but if they are told to go they must go. The idea is not that they are town or district police, but police of the State. When they are transferred it is not right of the public to ask for them to remain there if it is in the public interest for them to be transferred. The hon. member for Hoopstad (Mr. Conroy) complained that there were too few police on the countryside, and the hon. member for Middelburg (Mr. Heyns) said that there were too many. I will tell the Commissioner of Police that there are too many police in Middelburg, and that they should he transferred to the parts who have too few. What is strange is the fact that the hon. member for Middelburg previously asked for three new police depots. How can one square this with his request this afternoon, that there are now too many? I cannot understand it. The request of the hon. member for Middelburg will be granted with great pleasure. I admit at once that there are not enough police, but the difficulty is that it is impossible to increase the amount spent on police to an impossible figure. The amount which is to-day spent on police must serve as far as possible. £2,000,000 is spent to-day, and we cannot allow the amount to increase. In other countries which are apparently better off, the amount is not so high Then there is a further complaint in connection with police dogs. The hon. member for Winburg complained that police dogs could not come from a certain foreign part. The hon. member is wrong. I can assure him that all the police dogs in the service are regular Afrikanders. The dogs are bred in South Africa, and are not imported. Therefore, he and hon. members, who think like him, can be satisfied that only Afrikander-bred are used as police dogs. The hon. member for Pretoria (South) (Dr. van Broekhuizen) spoke about the large number of police being used for other services. There are about 700 policemen used for other services. It is an economic measure. A sergeant who is used as Crown Prosecutor is paid less than someone in the public service used for that purpose. That saves us a lot of money. Apart from Crown prosecutors, the police are also used as clerks. We find that the police do a great deal of the work of other departments. The police are used for Census enumerators, and if some day there is a plague in the Free State—and we know that there are many plagues—then it is again the police who are used. They are used for all kinds of objects, and because there are so many duties to be done by them, numbers of them have to sit in offices in the towns. It is just a question of economy. If hon. members want to move anyone on this point then it is not me, but the Minister of Finance. He seems to me tonight to be immovable. That I must admit. The hon. member for Wepener (Mr. Hugo) has brought up the matter of night patrols year after year. He does not, however, see the night patrols because he sleeps at night. I can give instructions that when they come near his house they should wake him up to show him that they are there. There are more night patrols at present than in the past, and the position has to some extent improved. The hon. member for Somerset (Mr. Vosloo) complained about the stock thefts from camps enclosed with jackal-proof fencing. It is impossible for us to put constables in every camp to prevent thefts. There is a certain amount of responsibility resting on the farmer to see that the thieves do not steal. If he would employ a few people it would assist. It is difficult to trace the thief when the sheep is once stolen.
You would speak differently if you were a farmer.
If I were a farmer I should possibly speak differently, because as a farmer, I should like to get everything I could, even if I were not entitled to it. Hon. members say that farmers in many cases arrest the thief themselves, but the thieves are much nearer to the farmer than to the police. If the police were in the same position as the farmer, they would also be able to arrest the thief. We, however, intend to make special provision with regard to stock thefts. We already to-day have special departments of the police such as that in connection with the illicit diamond traffic, and we intend to create a special department to look after stock thefts. I hope this will be a step in the right direction, because I know what the difficulty is. It appears that the farmers appreciate the services of the police more to-day than in the past, because where they said in the past that the police should be kept away from their farms they say to-day that there are too few police, and that there should be more. That is a very good testimonial to the work of the South African Police. I know an attorney who told me that the police were driven away when they came to a farm in the old days, but now they are invited to dine with the family. That is a great improvement and, as the hon. member for Pretoria (South) has said, it shows that the class of man in the police is much better than in the past.
†The hon. member for Griqualand (Mr. Gilson) spoke about the housing of the police, which is a matter we have been dealing with for a long time. Housing leaves much to be desired in various parts of the country, and every year we try to get as much money as we can on the loan estimates. In the estimates which we will bring up later we get nine out of 21 items. We are trying to extract as much money as possible, but it is impossible to go as fast as hon. members and I want to go. You cannot allow the expenditure to swell to too great an extent. I do not know which the nine are. I do not want to make any promise. Then there is a question of the hon. member for Von Brandis (Mr. Nathan), who spoke about the policing of Johannesburg. I doubt whether one can say that Johannesburg is under-policed, unless you say the whole country is under-policed. Roughly, there is one policeman to 305 inhabitants in Johannesburg. We endeavour to make their service as valuable as possible, out in spite of that, a good deal of their service is wasted. One form of this is the large crowd of police waiting in the courts to give evidence. That is a thing I have been considering for some time, to see whether a change can be made, but it is difficult indeed. We have been considering the transport of magistrates to various parts of the central area of Johannesburg so as to use up as few police as possible. You have 20 to 30 police waiting there, which is a fruitful source of loss, and is at present unpreventable, because their evidence is required in such a large number of cases. Generally, this committee will agree that, as far as important crime is concerned in this country, there are very few cases where a criminal is not arrested. In a crime of violence such as took place in the Waterberg District the criminal was arrested very promptly indeed. I am drawing a distinction between crimes like stock theft and more important crimes like murder, and the percentage of undetected crime is comparatively small if one follows the statistics. The hon. member for Three Rivera (Mr. D. M. Brown) said that one way of dealing with the matter of police is for the municipal authorities to provide a pro rata, or some proportionate, share of the expense of their maintenance. Something of that kind might be worked out in future, but so far I have not noticed any suggestion like that coming from any of the towns. †*I had forgotten about the horse of the hon. member for Riversdale (Mr. Badenhorst). Generally the horses used by the police are good. In the towns the horses stand in large stables, and if one goes through them and ascertains what is paid for horses one is astonished at the good class of horses bought.
Perhaps the best horses are kept there.
Perhaps it is not the case everywhere, but in general the quality of horses is high and not low, with the exception of the horse seen by the hon. member for Riversdale. The Commissioner of Police will see that the horse is destroyed. The hon. member for Colesberg (Mr. G. A. Louw) mentioned the excellent work of the police dog. Everyone is ready to acknowledge it, but the dogs must be carefully trained before they can be used. There is only a certain number of dogs which can be used for the purpose, and only a certain number of constables who can use the dogs. Many do not know how to use the dogs, while some constables are very good. A police dog can never operate without the policeman. Some people seem to think that the dog can be put somewhere and can then do the work. It is more expensive to keep a police dog at a post than police alone because the dog requires a policeman to work with him. Every part of the country wants a police dog, but it is impossible to comply with all the requests. The system will, however, be extended as much as possible, and at important centres along the countryside dogs will be placed so that the various districts can obtain some of them. That is the department’s intention, and effect has already been given to it. The number of trained dogs to-day is between 50 and 70. Those are practically all the points mentioned, except the removal of cattle. That is possibly a matter which comes more under the Minister of Agriculture and I will mention the hint to him, and go into the matter with him to see how things are. I have done my best to keep this vote as low as possible and the reason why there is an increase of £35,000 over last year is due to the fact that the men of the South African Mounted Rifles have been transferred to the police. I hope the matter will be put right at the end of the year, because they are taken over to fill the place of people leaving the service. That is the reason for the increase of this vote.
As the Minister knows Witbank is a growing town. There is a shortage of police because there are coal mines having many natives employed. At Oogies there are only three policemen and that is not enough. My district borders on Middelburg and I am glad to hear that that district has too many. I shall be glad if they are immediately sent to my district because we require them very badly. We also require detectives if Middelburg does not want them. We shall be able to use them.
I am very glad to hear from the Minister that the standard of members of the police force is of a much higher type than it was a few years ago.
I did not mean since we came into office. I meant before we came into power.
I am glad to hear that, because some observations I made in the towns led me to different conclusions. What I got up to ask is whether the Minister can give us any statement whether any change is going to take place, and if so, what, as a result of the commission that was appointed by the Government, which has been going round and whose report has been published in the newspapers, but is not yet in the hands of members of the House. I suggest, by the way, that it is rather unfortunate that reports of this kind, dealing with a big branch of the administration of the country, seem to be in the hands of everybody except members of this House.
Not everybody.
There is a matter which has given dissatisfaction from one end of the country to the other, and that is the practice of sending sick policemen to Roberts’ Heights from all over the country. One can have very great sympathy with these men. On a similar question, we have the assurance of the Minister of Finance that ex-soldiers have been provided for; and they could now get attention at the nearest hospital—a situation much more agreeable and satisfactory—and that the Government paid all fees to the local institution. The police have complained to many members about this practice of removal to Roberts’ Heights hospital, which has continued for so long. I understand from them that they can get local attendance, but only if they pay the difference in charges made, but that difference is frequently a considerable amount —so considerable that they often do not know how to face it. I have known of a policeman having to pledge his furniture so that he could get proper local attention, instead of being sent to Roberts’ Heights. I do not think that is quite fair. Hospitals are paid for by the provincial councils, but if provincial councils did not run them, they would have to be provided by the Union Government, and the Minister of Justice would have to face the necessity of having to provide hospital accommodation for the police. I understand there is some system which is hardly satisfactory to these men, whereby, if they do not wish to go to Roberts’ Heights, they are placed entirely under a local district surgeon. The question is often one of confidence in the medical attendant in regard to effecting a cure, and it is hard lines, because a man is not rich, he cannot have the medical attendant he believes in. In order to ensure a contented force, and in view of the protection they give us, and the risk they take in daily life, which many of us would be very unwilling to take and for which they are ill paid, the Minister of Justice will, I hope, be able to give the assurance we got from the Minister of Finance, that from now a sick policeman will not be hurried off to the Transvaal, but will be treated where he is ; that the Government will see that the hospital fees are paid in full, and that there will be no question of the man having to pay any difference. I can see what may be sticking out, and the man may be allowed the Roberts’ Heights amount only, which would be very unfair indeed to the police. It is really a small matter, and if it rested with the public to put right, it would be done in 24 hours. I hope there will be no question of so-called economy of £ s. d. operating in this case, and that the Minister will give those who serve us so well the simple justice demanded when ill-health overtakes them in the course of their arduous work in all weathers and often under very trying conditions.
I would like to inform the Minister that the horses which he is supplying to the police to-day are a disgrace to the Government. Whatever the late Government’s faults may have been, they horsed their police properly. Why is this? If it is on account of economy, it is false economy. How does the Minister expect a hefty young policeman, weighing 13 stone, to do duty on a kafir moke? That is the position. It is quite a common sight to see these young fellows riding about on horses which are unfit to carry them. These young fellows have to be days on horseback, and should be properly mounted. If the Minister doubts my word, let him try to ride one of these horses. It is not fair to the police. The horses are not sound, and are too light for the work, and efficient work cannot be done by the police on these mounts.
I should like to say a few words about the way the detective work is conducted from the alluvial diggings. The Minister knows quite well what the conditions are. Many people are often not able to earn a living, and are put into the greatest temptation, and find it difficult to keep out of the hands of unscrupulous people. During the last few months—I have already brought it to the notice of the Minister—some of the best families on both sides of the Orange River got into trouble through the employment of the trapping system. Everyone knows that there are many contraventions of the law in connection with the diamond trade, but the use of the trapping system is the cause of many respect able people getting into trouble. There are families, many members of which have suffered through it. Then I should like to call the Minister’s attention to the prosecution under the Adulteration Act. It is felt that there are so many technical points in the Act that special legal knowledge is required to institute prosecutions under it. It cannot be expected of the ordinary police sergeant to have the necessary knowledge, and it is felt that in more than one case an accused gets off on small technical points. I would suggest to the Minister to appoint special officials for prosecutions under the Act.
Whilst I welcome the statement of the Minister that it his intention to inaugurate a special branch of the police to deal with stock thefts, I cannot welcome the policy of the Government in reversing what has been the practice from time immemorial in Natal of removing a native who has committed a theft and been convicted to another district, upon the petition of the stock farmers in the district where the theft was committed. Powers are granted under the Natal law for the Governor-General, on the advice of the Government, to remove a native who has been convicted of stock theft from one area to another, and there is no better deterrent. I think the Minister and hon. members on the other side will agree with me that this is so. I understand that policy has now been changed, and that this power will not be exercised until there is a second conviction.
Does it come under this department or Native Affairs? I have never seen a minute on that point at all.
It may be that it comes entirely under the Native Affairs Department, but the Department of Justice is interested so far as the commission of these thefts is concerned. I have only to-day received a wire from my constituents complaining about the new policy of the Government. I do not know whether the Minister will interest himself in the matter. If the Minister will use his influence in getting the Government to revert to the old policy, he will find it will help us very much in Natal. In all areas thickly populated by natives, sheep farmers especially have found it impossible to carry on sheep farming, and until the Minister has a system of night patrols, these stock thefts will continue. A case came under my notice during the Easter holidays, where 100 sheep were stolen from a farmer, and shifted no less than 50 miles towards the coast before they were found. It seems to me an extraordinary thing that this could happen in a thickly-populated area without someone asking for the natives’ passes or finding out why these sheep were being shifted, but what happens is that during the day the sheep are hidden away in wattle plantations, and trekked as soon as it is dark.
The Minister wanted to frighten the farmers a little by telling them that he would have them called in the night, and that it was impossible to have a constable in every camp. We do not ask that, just as little as the town dwellers ask that a constable should be put before every shop. What we ask is that there shall be enough police that are not tied up in offices. The farmers try to catch the thieves themselves, but it is not always possible. Nor is it always natives who steal stock. During the recess I was in Lichtenburg and Barberton where sheep farming is still in its commencement. Certain farmers had thirty, twenty and fifteen sheep, respectively, stolen in one night. That should prove that a white man must have been among the thieves because each lot was stolen in one night. The Minister said that the sergeants are used as Crown prosecutors with a view to economy. It may be that there is economy because fewer natives are convicted. If the sergeant is pitted against a clever attorney many natives escape. Therefore I can readily believe that it is an economic measure. I, however, got up to ask the Minister about the trapping system in Johannesburg. I want to ask him whether the detective department has the right to trap respectable people. Not long ago I read in the paper that a man was trapped on mere suspicion, and at the trial he was acquitted. Therefore custom still prevails of trying to trap respectable people who have not yet had a conviction against them. Why should the State use people to mislead persons into committing crimes who would otherwise have lived very respectably? It is a horrible system. I can understand its being used in the case of criminals whom the police are after. That is defensible, but I call it a shame to mislead people who are possibly hungry. There is still a case I feel strongly about. White women are arrested on account of illicit sale of liquor in Johannesburg and where they cannot find bail till judgment is given the question is what becomes of the children? I can give the Minister private information from a source he will not doubt where a woman sent a telephonic message to a woman friend to go and see how her child was getting on. A constable who was not on duty accompanied her and there they found a six year old boy sitting playing about waiting for his mother. The police said that it was not their duty to look after the child. The children are permitted there to get their food in the best possible way and if the arrested woman has no friends to look after the children then they are in a sad plight. I hope the Minister will see to it that where a woman, especially a widow living alone is arrested for any crime of contravening the law, that her children shall not be left in misery.
The Johannesburg police are extremely good fellows and as pointsmen they are learning their business. On behalf of the unfortunate people who become intoxicated on Saturday afternoon, and also of natives found without passes and beggars and other people who are arrested on Saturday afternoon, I would suggest that their cases be dealt with by an honorary magistrate, who should sit either on Saturday afternoon or on Sunday mornings. Many of these people have no money with which to find bail, and consequently they are detained in custody until Monday mornings. Some English systems are worth copying and that of honorary magistrates was worth following in South Africa. Hon. members, when they are no longer of use in Parliament might still do their duty to the State by acting as honorary magistrates.
The Minister mentioned that I thought there were too many police in the Middelburg district. I am surprised that a man learned in the law can understand a thing so badly.
I have many witnesses.
The Minister says he has many witnesses and they would possibly think what he thinks because they all require more police. I require more than all of them put together. If the police can be used in Middelburg for such a low purpose as the trapping system—I do not know whether they are police or detectives—then they can be used to do ordinary police work in Mapochland. I say again, clearly, so that the Minister can understand that in Middelburg we are amazingly short of police. I have already applied for three more police depots. However, I do not hope that police will be sent to trap the Mapochlanders if they have peach brandy. I cannot say whether it is the truth or not because I was not present, but I have been told that the detectives put the money on the table and left it lying there for the brandy. We are all embittered about the trapping system, and I am astonished that it has now been applied on the countryside where no one expected it. Detectives have been sent there and fifteen people have been arrested including respectable women. That is what I am protesting against. I say again that we need more police, and I hope the Minister will see that we get the police depots asked for.
What progress has been made with the proposed transference of the control of the police from the municipalities of Maritzburg and Durban to that of the Government, and what prospects are there of reaching finality in regard to this question? I understand that the police commission has recommended this change, and in view of the many conflicting statements that are made, it would be interesting to know the exact position.
If there is one thing on which money is well spent it is the police force. Our whole existence, our properties, depend on it. The sum on the Estimates is fairly high, but I do not think it is too high because when we remember the good work the police do we must agree that the money is well spent. The Minister said that farmers should help to stop the stealing. I agree with him that the farmers can do much. They can, e.g., help a great deal by branding the stock. I had a case only the other day. I have oxen running in the Witbank district. My stock was branded, then the police came and said that they had seen a native at Oogies with two oxen that had my brand. My son then went there and it appears that two of my oxen had been stolen and that the thief had sold them for £7 10s. to another native. The brand enabled the theft to be discovered. I urge that steps should be taken that registered brands should be used as much as possible. With reference to the stealing of sheep by night of which I have experience, much can also be done. We should have more native detectives for the work. I had a case where sheep disappeared every day, but the thieves were too clever and could not be caught. I have friends among the police and asked for a native detective and got him. Within three days two of the rogues were caught whom a white man never could catch. The native detective is the best means in this connection and if at every depot there is a native detective, the position will improve very much. Much is said against the trapping system, but how shall we discover the criminals unless we apply it? The people are surely all contravenere of the law and must be punished, and we must try to arrest them. It must, of course, not lead to the wrong application of the system. On the diamond fields especially there is much abuse and a native takes the diamonds from a poor man’s claim to another man. The possessor of the claim is starving and the trapping succeeds. Then I want to point out to the Minister that party politics are still being dragged in here and there into the police force. I know of a case where a policeman prosecuted people improperly who did not share his views. I warned him and will certainly bring it to the Minister’s notice if he goes on with it.
I just want to add a few words in support of what was said in regard to the purchase of horses for the police. As regards my district, Vrede, we certainly have reason to complain about the police horses. No horse master would have bought such animals. If the Minister enquires into it he will find that the buying is done by horse dealers. Farmers should do the work when the department will get the horses better and cheaper. I admit that the horses in the large stables in the big towns look well but that is only as regards colour. When I look at them I know they cannot go for 30 or 40 miles. I must honestly say that I do not think much of the Minister’s knowledge of horses, and as for the police buyers, I do not think much of theirs if they really intended to buy good horses. I want to ask the Minister just to go to Kenilworth some Saturday afternoon. There is a horse on view there every Saturday afternoon. It is already ashamed of itself, but it is a shame to use such a horse for the police especially in such a big crowd. It is not an advertisement for South African bred horses. I want the Minister to think a little about the old system which I think was in force in the Free State, that every man should select and be responsible for his own horse. The Minister shakes his head, but I think that will pay best in the long run.
I would like to draw the Minister’s attention to sub-vote M—Detective Services—under which will be found the following items: Illicit Liquor Traffic, £1,500; Illicit Diamond Traffic, £3,000; Illicit Gold Traffic, £1,000; Other Criminal Investigation. £13,500. I would like to ask the Minister if he is quite satisfied with regard to the expenditure of these sums. Take the first item, illicit liquor traffic, £1,500, does this committee know that the bulk of that money is spent upon traps and touts sent out to trap very poor people to sell them liquor, and thereby secure a conviction against them?
Shame!
It is a shame. Although this £1,500 seems a very small sum, it may be sufficient on the average bribery of one individual of 2 guineas to obtain the conviction of 750 people. It seems a gross injustice and a gross shame that so many people on the Reef are prepared to set themselves out to earn this £1,500. Further down we find £1,000 for illicit gold traffic. That is not so serious, because probably people engaged in that business are not quite the same as the others, but I would appeal to the Minister that he should go very carefully into this question of money set aside for trapping purposes. I do not think there is any member who is against money being set aside for detectives and their investigation, but we ought to show our disapproval of money being spent in regard to trapping in the illicit liquor traffic. Possibly the Liquor Bill may make the necessity for this system much less than it has been up to now. Sometimes there is the possibility of an innocent person being trapped, and this sum of money is sufficient to secure the conviction of a thousand or more people. I would like the Minister to see that not a penny of this money is spent on traps, but that it should only be spent in the sense of developing inquiries. I do ask him to see that this traffic system is brought down to a minimum. Any member from the Reef and the Transvaal knows perfectly well that you do not succeed in trapping the old stagers in this business, but unfortunately you do catch the person who is probably down and out, and has been tempted by the traps. I do hope the Minister will take that into consideration.
I hope the Minister is not going to lull himself into a sense of security in replying to the hon. member for Riversdale (Mr. Badenhorst) in regard to the horse purchased for the police which turned out a horse rack instead of a police horse. I think the source of complaint is with the method in which these purchases are effected. I understand the present system is that there is a board of officers that make the purchases, and notice is given to the district commandants that horses are to he purchased and horses are brought in and bought in that way. This is much better than the old system. When the late Government appointed their supporters to buy the horses for the Government. But there is a great deal of dissatisfaction with the way in which notice of purchase of these horses is given. It is either that the system is unsatisfactory or the notice is insufficient with regard to the purchase of these horses. The amount on the estimates is only £13,000, but it is due to the fact that the police have been refraining from putting out their old horses to cut down expenditure. Sufficient notice is not given when horses are required for the police force. I cannot see why this department cannot, like any other department, from time to time inform the public what their requirements are up to a certain number per annum, and having located the places where breeding is going on, inform those people that horses will be required at a certain date. In the De Beers district there has been a complaint that De Beers were invariably selling horses. They had no right to be in competition with the horse-breeder. The first item—salaries and wages— might sound a very large sum for these police allowances, but I think the Minister is to be congratulated that this is the only force in the Union where there is a sense of security with regard to salaries and wages. A good deal of commendation is due to the department for the way in which they have tackled this question. A recruit when he joins the police gets £120, and as soon as he becomes efficient he gets £150, and the maximum pay for a constable is £282, together with allowances for a policeman of 3d. per day for uniform and mounted policeman 4d. with an officer’s allowance of 6d. These figures have been built up largely by the present administration, and they have given a great deal of satisfaction as far as the police force itself is concerned. In 1916 the figure was 4s. 11d. per unit of population for police supervision. At the present time it is Costing 7s. per unit of administration, and I think that the Minister is to be congratulated. The men are receiving a respectable wage, and I think we have an efficient police force that We can be quite satisfied with, except for a few discrepancies that will exist in any force.
In the course of the evidence given before the Police Commission, Col. Douglas, Who commands the South African police in Natal, brought evidence strongly recommending that a small mobile force of 25 to 50 men should be formed and kept at a convenient centre. Pietermaritzburg is the proper place for that purpose in the Natal province. It is well known that if there is any native disturbance, a small number of men, if they can be put into motion Within 24 hours of such a disturbance, is very much better than a larger number a few days later. Before Union the headquarters of the Natal police was Pietermaritzburg, and one hundred men were always available; also after Union there was a battery of artillery there. But at the outbreak of the war the whole of that force was depleted, and to-day it will be difficult to get twenty men together in 24 hours. I would very strongly recommend to the Minister, for his consideration, forming such a force there as has been recommended by Col. Douglas. Col. Godley, in the Transvaal, gave the same evidence—of the necessity for a small mobile force, ready to take the field immediately necessity arises.
This is a very heavy vote, and in proportion to our taxpaying population, the heaviest of most countries that I know of.
And hon. members want more expenditure!
I recognize the difficulties of my hon. friend, and will make a suggestion to him. From the remarks made this afternoon, hon. members have been asking for more expenditure. I have been in Parliament for twenty years, and not a session has there not been dissatisfaction expressed about the police. Always the cry is for more and more. Even this vote you increase by £35,000. There is only one remedy for this—the hint thrown out by the Minister himself—let local authorities contribute something. I can remember the time in the Cape Colony, that was before (Union, when local authorities maintained police—not only in the towns, but in the country areas, but that was done away with by Sir John Graham for purposes of uniformity.
I may point out to the hon. member that he is now discussing policy.
Well, I want to make a suggestion to my hon. friend to keep down expenses. The suggestion has been made to take the police from Durban and Pietermaritzburg, which is a retrogade step. So long as local people maintain their own police, leave them to it, and encourage them. If the local people maintain their police, my hon. friend, the Minister, would not have all these appeals. In many localities they cannot maintain their own police, but what they can do is to make some contribution. It is done in England now. I forget the exact proportion—I think it is half and half.
Now that the Minister of Defence has handed over the remnants of his striking force to the Minister of Justice, I want to emphasize what has fallen from the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg (South) (Mr. O’Brien) in respect of the necessity of having in each province, particularly in the Natal province, a small mobile force for purposes of emergency. I am glad the Prime Minister is in his seat, because he will remember that it was only a few weeks ago when two tribes in Natal, the Neumas and the Mtembas, had a difference of opinion. A small portion of one tribe visited a section of the other tribe, attacked them, and after one man had been killed, were driven off. They retired for the purpose of getting reinforcements, and collected a considerable body of natives, Who were armed, but in the meantime the police officer at Est-court, Lieut. Lane, had got wind of the trouble, collected every man he could get that was handy, and made a quick cross country march. The mere presence of that small party, in the very nick of time, stopped what undoubtedly would have been a serious business, and I want to give the fullest credit to the officer in charge for an excellent bit of work. Those policemen had to be in the district for something like three weeks, and to that extent the ordinary routine work of the police in the districts from which they were withdrawn was neglected. I am not prepared to say that the trouble is still over, and I understand that these people are only waiting for a fitting opportunity to have another go at each other. The necessity for such a suggestion as was made by the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg (South) has thus been proved within the last few weeks, and I hope the Minister will give us an assurance that he will take the matter into very serious consideration. We deplore greatly that the Minister of Defence should have parted with that small mobile force.
Which small mobile force?
The two squadrons of Mounted Riflemen. I strongly support the suggestion which has been made by the hon. member for Pietermaritzburg (South). Worked up as it has been by two such experienced officers as Colonel Douglas and Colonel Godley.
I think I am entitled to say that the Minister is wanting to treat as a joke a matter which is a serious one and one of vital interest to us. When we plead for the farmers’ interests with regard to the police—I will not say in other cases—then the Minister wants to put off the matter with a joke. He will not, however, put me off because it is a matter of great importance. Some farmers are beginning to think as to whether they can continue sheep farming on the border. I do not say that the police must come and wake us. It is clear that the Minister does not know much about night patrols. He may read the reports that are made, but I can assure him that we farmers even if we do sleep at night know more of the matter than the Minister and the police at head office. I hope the Minister will look into the matter.
In regard to the Police Commission’s report that is being gone into by the police department from all points of view; the police side, the expense side, the financial side and the detective side, and as soon as I receive that report I intend to go into the matter. It has been decided what is going to be done. The report is going to be printed. There is one point in connection with which representations have been made and that is in regard to the rank of head constable not being abolished. I must say, from what I know of the matter, that that is a very useful rank—the highest warrant officer—and if we keep it within comparatively narrow limits, I do not think it should be abolished, although there is such a recommendation in the report. I understand that is the only statement in the report that has disturbed the minds of a considerable number of the force. In regard to the question of sick policemen, raised by the hon. member for Pretoria West (Mr. Hay), the maintenance service in the police amounts to a very large figure and it is increased by £1,000 this year under sub head L. Members are granted tree attendance of the district surgeon. The position is that as far as specialist expenses are concerned, these are allowed away from Roberts Heights and Wynberg, the amounts being limited to a certain scale of fees and beyond these the man must pay the amount himself. If they go to Roberts Heights or Wynberg the whole burden is borne by the State. I do not think the State could go further than that. I do not think we err on the side of being generous enough. I am not going to deal with the question of horses. They cannot get proper horses in certain districts. We cannot make the product of the district better than nature has made it. The question raised by the hon. member for Newcastle (Mr. Nel) of a native being removed from a district after his second offence instead of after his first offence, is a matter of policy which comes under the Native Affairs Department. I do not see much principle in the matter, and do not think it is going to trouble us much in this House. In regard to the question of the policing of Durban and Maritzburg, we were open to allow these places the chance to hand over their police to the central administration, but they seemed to think there was some sinister plan lurking behind the matter, in spite of the innocence of the Minister of Finance But we gave them that chance, and I think Maritzburg has availed itself of it, and accepted the principle, and we are going into the terms, and probably the policing of Maritzburg will be done by the State. Durban refused to go in for it. We told them that they had just one chance. They decided to reject, and they will have to do their policing themselves. The hon. member for Cape Town (Central) (Mr. Jagger) has raised a point which I think is worty of consideration, that if one gets to a fair ratio of police in the big centres of the Union, and these centres ask for a larger ratio, we should say to them: You can have this if you pay the extra. Probably, on these lines, we will be able to deal with the matter further. In regard to the question of the purchase of horses, we adopt the best method. We give adequate notice to the district that they should be brought to a central place, but in some places the horses are of such a standerd that only 3 or 4 per cent. of them can be purchased. In regard to the point raised of a mobile column for Natal, that has often been raised and been gone into, and will be further considered. I believe it was gone into by the Police Commission, and we might be able to furnish a few police for that service at a later stage. Ons does not like to disclose one’s plans before the policemen, who are jealously guarding the country, and I hope hon. members from Natal will understand my position here. If I have not replied to all the points, I can assure hon. members that they will be gone into.
Vote put and agreed to.
On Vote 19, “Defence,” £895,312.
I do not want to interrupt my hon. friend on my left (Mr. Jagger), but I am sure the committee is very anxious to have a full statement from the Minister as regards the recent changes which have been made in the defence force. Several statements have been made by the Minister either in the country or in this House, and they have been difficult to follow; and, at one stage, the Minister promised that when these estimates came on he would make a full statement on the subject, and I would ask him to make use of this opportunity now, before the debate starts, to explain the changes that have been made recently in regard to the constitution of the defence force in this country.
It is rather inconvenient at this time of night to commence a long statement. However, as the right hon. gentleman has asked me to do so I will comply with the desire of the committee. In defence matters, sir, we have always two mutually contradictory points of view—there is the point of view of the professional soldier, who would like to see us prepared for every sort of conceivable eventuality, and the point of view of the civilian and the stern economist, like my hon. friend opposite (Mr. Jagger), who thinks the art of war can be learnt in 10 minutes after hostilities have commenced. I do not propose to cater for either of those two schools of thought. What should our aim be? We cannot provide and it would not be right for us to be ready, to try to be prepared ready to meet at a moment’s notice any and every possible danger that may assail the country. We know there are dangers in the future, but to-day when we know our shores are safe, until some very great change takes place in the balance of sea power of the world, we do not have to provide for sudden invasion by any first-class power. We could not do it, and if we tried to do it, we should defeat our own ends by diverting our resources which should be used to build up our population—the ultimate basis of our national defence—into the strong organization of defence. What we have to do is to be able to hold any sudden danger which is within the limits of reasonable possibility and to be in a position to meet it and hold it until we are able to develop the much larger reserve man power that we have. And we have also to see to the training of our young men as far as practicable so that in case dangers do occur, they may be able to fall into their places as early and efficiently as possible. I dare say the right hon. the member for Standerton (Gen. Smuts) would say that that was the aim of the Defence Act of 1912. So it was, I agree. That Act provided as its centre-piece a little standing army of five regiments of S.A.M.R., and 5 batteries of artillery as a self-contained striking force able at once to operate and to hold any trouble pending the mobilization of other troops. Then you had your active citizen force units, serving the double purpose of being ready equipped and quickly mobilisable to reinforce your little standing army, its other purpose being the training of young men who would pass into the general reserve—a citizen army of men who had sufficient military training so that in time of emergency they would very readily fall into their place. Then there were defence rifle associations organized into commandos which kept up rifle shooting, and in which all those who did not join the active citizen force had to undergo certain instruction in musketry and drill. That was the broad outline of the Act. I want to disarm any criticism which may be directed at these remarks by saying that I have not the least intention of criticizing past arrangements adversely. But when one looks at that Act to-day and the means it furnished for training every citizen between 17 and 25 years of age, and particularly when one looks at the plans which were formulated for putting that Act into operation, one is struck very much by the conviction that in all these plans there was no very definite idea of dealing with the normal dangers, if I may use the term, to which we in the Union may be subject. It seems rather looking back at the events of 1914 as if coming events were casting their shadows before, and as if the whole scheme were directed towards enabling the Union to develop at the earliest possible moment the greatest possible military strength of which we were capable. It was only a couple of years before the great war, and there was a consciousness throughout the world that there was a possibility of a hurricane bursting. The actual formations contemplated then, in addition to the five regiments of S.A.M.R. and the five batteries of artillery, were six citizen batteries of artillery, two divisions of garrison artillery, 21 regiments of mounted rifles, 15 regiments of dismounted riflemen, 12 battalions of infantry, 19 medical units, 15 service units and 2 signal corps, certainly a very considerable army, and a big training school designed so as to train 50 per cent. of the youth of the country. I am not in the least questioning the wisdom of this, in the light of after events. Well, sir, when the storm burst South Africa did put out a very great military effort, but owing to the circumstances in which that effort was put out our military operations were not those which they would have been if we had had to resist invasion—our forces were engaged in theatres of war outside South Africa. The circumstances of the war resulted practically in scrapping any real putting into execution of the plans made in 1912-13, except to a very limited extent. Another thing that strikes one is that if we had continued with those plans the cost to the country would certainly be much greater than this country could normally bear. It would probably be to-day something in the neighbourhood of £600,000 or £700,000 more than we are spending. I feel confident that those who were responsible at the time were influenced in making those plans by the consciousness that there were great events toward and that we should be ready for any eventuality ill that big storm. I need not dwell on the history after the war, because hon. members have only got to recall debates in this House and compare the estimates year by year. I think I am right in saying that every year those responsible framed the estimates with one compelling consideration, which was to reduce those estimates, get the cost down. The country demanded economy. It seems to me that these things arrived by the compulsion of circumstances. Between 1919 and 1924 the one continual cry was “chop here, chop there, and try and economize wherever you possibly can,” all with this conception of a very large citizen force formation as something eventually, perhaps, to be worked for. Take the position as it was two years ago. Take this little standing army for instance, the striking force. Originally it was a self-contained force; it could go anywhere so long as it did not meet an enemy greatly superior to itself. That force had been reduced to three batteries of artillery and two squadrons of mounted riflemen. It could not operate as a force unless you called out some of the units of the active citizen force to make it into what might be called a field force operating by itself. Then the active citizen force had come down from the big conception of 1912-13 and consisted in 1924 of 13 infantry batallions, five mounted regiments and one battery of artillery, a total establishment of 8,560 and an actual strength of about 6,500. There are two features to notice in these dispositions. The first was that outside the areas covered by the urban populations and the rural areas covered by the Natal mounted regiments, there was not one single young man in the country districts of the Cape, the Free State, and the Transvaal receiving the least bit of military training. That magnificent material that the right hon. gentleman (Gen. Smuts) spoke of—and certainly agere with him it is magnificent material—was being entirely neglected. There was not one single active citizen fores unit in the country outside certain urban areas, and so far as the defence association rifle associations were concerned, young men, if they liked, could join them, it is true. But there was no compulsion, there was no training provided, and unless they brought their own rifles they stood very little chance of getting practice in rifle shooting. It is true the Government issued loan rifles on bond to these associations, nominally up to 5 per cent. of their strength, for the use of those who had not rifles of their own, but this eternal financial stringency had even starved this service. I decided, after consulting commandants and others, that if we supplied rifles on loan up to 10 per cent. of the strength of each, it would be ample provision to enable those to shoot who had not their own rifles and I proposed to make provision each year aiming at arriving at this 10 per cent. in 3 years or so. But on calling for a return of the position I found it would take ever £20,000 to get up to the present nominal 5 per cent. No wonder dissatisfaction prevailed in the rural areas, of which I have had plentiful representations from my hon. friends here. I want to refer, however, to the form of some of those complaints because they are not altogether well founded. Frequently the hon. member for Pretoria (South) (Dr. van Broekhuizen) pointed out to me that it was most unfair spending £6 per man on the members of the active citizen force and 7s. or 8s. per member of defence rifle associations—
Yes, but the other side is that the money being spent in the towns is concentrated on a certain comparatively small percentage of youths and not another penny is spent on any adult male, whereas the money spent on the rural population, inadequate as it is, is distributed over men of all ages in assistance of these rifle associations. The inequality between town and country calculated per adult male in rural and urban areas does not show such a very great discrepancy. But the main question is to spend the money so that it gives the country the best service and the best possible value for the money. To complete the picture of the position as it transpired after all this economy and axeing, the Administration, as in 1913, had a headquarters staff and had 15 military districts, each with their staffs. That number had been contracted to 14, and I contracted the last year, to 12. The other changes in the intervening period were the fact that the Imperial Government had handed over to us Cape defences for which we had taken the responsibility and also the institution of the Air Force, which in the 1912 Act, was provided for, but until after the war was not instituted. In regard to that provision in the 1912 Act I congratulate the right hon. member for his foresight at that time. The reason I am drawing this picture of the 1924 position as compared with the plans of 1913-'14 is not to criticize. It is to show that the rather inchoate position at which we had arrived was that existing conditions conformed not a bit to these old conceptions, and that while these original conceptions still held, financial limitations made it impossible to carry them out, and resulted in a continuous searching for one expedient after another to save money without a reasoned conception of what basis the Defence Force should be on, and what should be our plans. I am convinced that if no change of Government had taken place the members of the previous Government would have found it absolutely necessary to take stock of the position-again ; to disentangle their minds from old conceptions, and to envisage the position afresh and to see how we could better adjust our organization to the actual needs of the Union and to our financial resources. That is what we have been doing. We have been taking stock of the position, and the present plans for which these estimates provide are the result of that stocktaking. In reviewing the position I want to make clear the general lines which we have adopted. I want first of all, however, to clear the ground of some misconceptions which, I think, lead to a good deal of confusion of thought among those critics who have been criticizing the adequacy or inadequacy of our arrangements. It must be remembered always that the defence department and the defence organization exists for war. It does not exist for peace. It is not a sort of auxiliary to the police. It is only when conditions amounting to a state of war prevail that the defence organization comes into the picture. And it then comes into the picture to take charge of and to control the situation. I want to stress that. I continually get telegrams and representations—
Or—
And then I get a telegram. In all these matters the department to report to is the police. If the position is such that it is beyond the civil power to deal with then they will let us know, and the defence organization then comes in and takes charge of the situation. That, I think, is something that has to be clearly understood. The second point of which we should get some clear idea is, for what war emergency ought we to prepare? I have already mentioned what appeared to have been governing the minds of the administration in these years immediately antecedent to the war, and these circumstances have entirely changed to-day. I am not going to say, and no man is bold enough to prophesy, that the world is in for a long period of peace ; but one is assured of two things—no nation if it can humanly be avoided, is going to have a repetition of the cataclysm of a few years ago, and all statesmanship is to-day focussed on trying to see how, instead of accumulating armaments as in the years before the war, they can gradually divest themselves of the need for much of the armaments they have. Again, I do not think we need apprehend that there is going to be such a tremendous displacement of sea power that we need be afraid of any sudden sea invasion of our coast, even if war did break out elsewhere. On our land borders, whatever the next 25 years may bring forth from certain developments which are taking place in other central parts of Africa, there need be no apprehension to-day of invasion of our land borders, and we certainly do not intend to live on unneighbourly terms with our neighbours or to use armed forces against any of them. There are always however certain dangers we must provide against, and, however peaceful the outlook may be to-day, we have to train our young men as far as practicable, and maintain that manly spirit of defence which will enable our manhood to range itself in the defence of the country, if at any future time a great effort is required. Taking all these circumstances into consideration, what we believe is that sufficient provision and one which fills all the demands of reasonable prudence will be achieved if we have an air force which can strike at any enemy gathering anywhere in the Union within twelve hours; also if, in addition to that, we can be sure of mobilising 10,000 men to concentrate within operating distance within 72 or 96 hours, and an additional force of 15,000, making 25,000 in all, equipped and able to hold the field within a few days later. That is the military preparedness which we consider is sufficient to meet any eventuality which is reasonably probable, and such as we can maintain without unduly taxing the resources of the country. With that aim in view these estimates are framed. There is a third consideration which I wish to stress. It is perfectly useless for us to design a very big machine which is so costly to keep up that we have not enough money left to buy the grist to mill. We have to realize that the larger the number of those who are permanently members of our army—the bigger the standing force you have got—the greater the expense. We have clearly to make up our mind that when we talk about the South African army it has to be a citizen army that we mean and one with the least element of permanent force in it beyond what is requisite for efficiency, and I think we must very jealously watch that the money that Parliament votes is directed as far as possible to the fighting formations, and rather jealously watch that no more money than is necessary for efficiency is devoted to the machinery of organization. Having explained that these are the broad lines on which we have gone, and the view we take of what is required, I will just deal with the main items and changes which these Estimates embody. I am taking the permanent forces—the fighting forces. The first of these is the air force. That shows an increase of £19,500. That is not the increase in the flying personnel. The peace establishment remains at one squadron of three flights of four machines each which in time of war would be increased, from pilots who are on the reserve, to three flights of six machines. But the increase is entirely in the depot, in the workshop, and it is for this reason. The committee knows that we are practically living on a present of 100 machines made to us by the Imperial Government. The normal wastage is such that, as far as our fighting machines are concerned, in two or three years we shall have to purchase machines of our own. It is quite clear that in the present position of aviation science, when changes take place every day, the longer we can postpone the decision as to the type of machine that we will go in for, the more likely we are to provide ourselves with the more up to date. We have two types, the DH9, the fighting machine, and the SE5. The former we have been using for training purposes, and by putting into commission a large number of SE5 purely for training purposes, we shall be able to save our DH9, and probably not have to purchase any new machines until 1930. The extra expenditure of £19,000 is to a considerable extent due to this and is really a very effective method of economy in order to use up the SE5’s and save our fighting machines to use for fighting purposes. I would like to refer to something in the press. I am not quite sure what the gentleman did or did not say, but I want to say that South Africa has every reason to be proud and satisfied with her flying men. For the size, I think there is no corresponding force which has better and more intrepid flying men than we have in South Africa. I want to warn this House. I speak as a layman, but I feel confident that this air force is one which this House will have to be prepared to see grow. It will be one of those arms which I feel confident will play a more and more important part in the defence of South Africa. The next fighting formation is the remains of the old striking force which as I have said has fallen to three batteries of artillery and two squadrons of S.A.M.R. The field artillery remains at three batteries. We want, in addition to their ordinary training, to make use of them for training the citizen batteries, and we are confident that that can be done without impairing the real efficiency of our artillery service in any degree whatever. At all events if it is impaired the advantage of having larger artillery forces will undoubtedly vastly more than compensate for any impaired efficiency, but I see no reason at all why there should be the least bit of impairment of efficiency in our permanent artillery. Two squadrons of mounted riflemen are no sufficient escort for three batteries of artillery ; they are not a self-contained fighting force, and we believe the money will be much better spent by devoting it to the development of our citizen forces. The abolition of these two squadrons, together with certain other attendant economies, mean a saving of about £108,000. The next piece of permanent formation is the Cape Garrison Artillery, which remains as it was before. It will be useful here to refer to the alteration in the district administrations. When We took office there were fourteen military districts, with staffs to serve the citizen formations in each district. The 14 districts were reduced last year to 12. But a scrutiny of the whole position led us to believe that for purposes of economy and efficiency it would be better to substitute for the 12 military districts six military commands. There are two alternate conceptions involved in the old system and the new. With a very small number of active citizen force units the organization was one which aimed at commanding the whole of the citizen force from headquarters, the district staff officers being as their designation indicates, staff officers charged with the duty of seeing to the due execution of headquarters orders. The other conception, which we have adopted, is that the district officer commands each military district, the whole being controlled by headquarters. This means devolving greater responsibility on the officers in charge of the military districts, and it can only work by devolving greater responsibility on the officers commanding the various formations in those districts. The reorganization of those staffs enables us to reduce that administrative expenditure by £29,600, making, with the saving by abolition of the 2 squadrons of S.A.M.R., £139,000 saved, or at all events, £139,000 which we are able to dispose of as we think more efficiently, and with greater benefit to the defence organization of the country. Now I come to the A.C.F. units. We provide in these estimates for the Cape Garrison Citizen Force 200 as against a strength in 1924 of 150. We want to build that up. We do not want to increase the permament garrison any more, but we want to build up the artillery section of the A.C.F. The remaining A.C.F. units that we provide for are—11 infantry battalions, 5 mounted regiments, 6 batteries citizen artillery, one new formation of Cape Fortress Engineers, one field troop of engineers, 3 field companies, 2 armoured trains, signal corps, 4 supply sections, one veterinary section, one mounted brigade field ambulance, 2 field ambulances and 2 medical companies, the whole being designed to provide such citizen service as will enable the army to function and be a training ground also. The total peace establishments of these formations is 8,171 as against 8,562 in 1924, a slight reduction compared with 1924, which is counter balanced by a greater efficiency in the rural areas. Taking the R.N.V.R. into account, we have a total of all ranks of 8,949 as against 9,268, that is to say we provide the same opportunities for the young men in the towns as we provided two years ago. Then certain changes are involved in the changed conception of the military district, and the placing of greater responsibilities on unit commanders. The A.C.F. units formerly had the services of instructors who were on the Staff of the district staff officer, but who were not entirely under the control of the commanding officers. We now detail one instructor, and place him entirely under the command of the officer commanding the unit. Formerly the contingency grant was 3s. per man. We now give a grant of 10s. to cover expenditure in connection with matters not otherwise provided for to facilitate the work of a unit commander. In small units, where no sergeant major is detailed to be placed under the command of the officer commanding, that allowance is 15s. So much for what I may call the urban formations. Now I come to that very big reservoir of military material in me countryside. In these schemes as laid down in 1913-'14 there were a large number of formations contemplated in the country and these were inaugurated to some extent. For instance, in the Free State there were three regiments of mounted riflemen and two regiments of dismounted riflemen ; in the Transvaal six regiments of mounted riflemen and 4 dismounted, and so on. I dare say at this point the right hon. member for Standerton (Gen. Smuts) and others may differ from me, but we have given it a very great deal of thought and attention and I am quite clearly of the conviction that the active citizen force conception, while it is suited to the urban areas, is not suited to the country districts. I am speaking of it for the moment in relation to the training of the youth of the country. If you are going to carry it out properly it would involve a tremendous expense. You cannot force a youth to parade at a certain place in so many nights a week if he has no means of locomotion unless you locomote him there. It is quite easy in an urban area, but it is a very different pair of shoes in comparatively sparsely populated country districts; and further, the commando system is deeply rooted in the whole traditions of this country. In the old discussions on the Defence Bill, which is now the Defence Act, we will agree that what was required to make the commando system the effective system it should be, was the importation of a very much more stringent idea of discipline when war operations were embarked upon. The idea that we consider will fill the Bill best—we cannot carry it out in every commando, except in those which exist in fairly populous country districts—is this: We propose to constitute in each of 40 selected commandos—selected with a view to the populousness of the district and various other considerations—a training squadron of 200 strong, to which for four years the young men of that district can be posted and compulsorily made to undergo a certain, but not a full, training, because circumstances do not allow it—but something more than they would get in shooting and rifle instruction. In this year’s estimates we provide for about 100 in each of these training squadrons, and as the young men reach the age when they have to come forward, that will be gradually increased, until we have a training squadron 200 strong, and as the years go by young men who have been through that training will have that training behind them, and will be able to come forward and fill the ranks with the discipline which they had acquired. They will be supplied with rifle and bandolier, and keep those arms while they are in the training squadron. With the adjutant and the experience he gains, and the officers who will be permanent in those squadrons, and the senior noncommissioned officers, the commandant will have a nucleus of a more regimented organization which we hope in time will help to create a more regimented and more disciplined organization. It will be very helpful, and will gradually achieve the object we have in view, having in the commandos a real regimental formation.
What amount of training will they get?
We think that four full days of drill and musketry and two days of wapenskou in the year is not as much as a young man in the town gets, but it will be a great step in advance of what exists now.
On the motion of the Minister of Defence it was agreed to report progress and ask leave to sit again.
House Resumed :
Progress reported ; House to resume in committee to-morrow.
The House adjourned at